Brushworks
Brief us

Political strategy and data, at human resolution

Elections are decided by people, not demographics. We work at that scale.

Brushworks is a political intelligence firm. We model how individual voters behave, determine what would move each of them, and put persuasion into the field with a standard of proof — across the United States and in the harder theaters abroad.

  1. 1. The file
  2. 2. Signals resolve
  3. 3. Deciders surface
  4. 4. A program in field
Plate IFour thousand people as the voter file sees them: identical rows, nothing to tell one from another.
500+contests, from presidential to school board, over a decade
96%won, across every level and both parties
$5B+approved in more than a hundred bond and levy measures
270M+American adults and households, resolved and behaviorally scored
12countries of institutional and diaspora work
7offices on a single 24-hour desk
The premise

Most campaigns still buy the electorate the way television networks sold it in 1985: by age, sex, county and party file. Those labels are easy to purchase and easy to defend in a budget meeting. They are also the reason two neighbors with identical demographics receive identical mail and vote in opposite directions.

People do not decide as categories. They decide as individuals, under pressure, with whatever they happened to pay attention to that month. That attention leaves traces — what someone reads, buys, searches, cancels, renews, drives past on the way to work. Read carefully and modeled properly, those traces describe a person far better than the file does: what they are anxious about, what they take pride in, whom they trust, and what they have quietly stopped believing.

Brushworks was built to work at that resolution. We do the research, the modeling, the message architecture and the delivery ourselves, through our own media seats, and we measure every program against a held-out control — so that what we report at the end is what actually happened.

What we doThe method, in five movements

Terrain, audience, message, delivery, proof.

The order matters. Nothing is built before the race is mapped; nothing is written before the deciders are named; nothing is reported that was not measured against a control.

Capabilities in full

  1. I

    Terrain

    Where the race will actually be decided: the precincts, the margin, the money coming against you, and the clock.

  2. II

    Audience

    Deciders identified by what they do rather than by label, and grouped by what would move them.

  3. III

    Message

    A narrative track for each group, built from the anxieties and hopes it already holds and sequenced for the persuasion arc.

  4. IV

    Delivery

    Three registers: precision paid media, organic advocacy, and the ambient campaign. All of it disclosed, all of it through our own seats.

  5. V

    Proof

    Randomized holdouts, daily measurement, and a publish gate no model passes without beating the baseline.

The human layerExhibit 1

One person, seventeen thousand signals.

Our view of the American electorate is assembled from roughly sixty-two billion observed behaviors, resolved to more than 270 million adults and their households, organized into a ten-thousand-topic dictionary, and scored by models trained on real outcomes rather than proxies.

No single signal is decisive. The pattern is. A subscription cancelled, a commute lengthened, a local news habit, a sudden interest in prescription prices — each is noise on its own and evidence together. The graph is rebuilt monthly, digital activity refreshed daily, and none of it touches ethnicity, religion or ideology, which we do not model.

Inside the human layer

Exhibit 1The active signal registry, drawn to scale by domain — roughly 17,000 signals, each line a family of observed behaviors. Ochre marks signals that entered a scored model this month. Grouping illustrative.
From the behavioral lexiconExhibit 2, composites, not individuals

A campaign speaks to millions. It persuades one at a time.

Every other vendor in politics starts from the voter file, because that is what there is to buy: age band, sex, party, precinct, vote history. It is enough to send mail. It is not enough to know what to say. We describe deciders as phenotypes — composite people assembled from thousands of behavioral neighbors — so that a strategist and a copywriter can hold an entire segment in mind as a single person, and so that the person receives a line that was written for her.

Exhibit 2The same voter, two ways. Left, everything the voter file knows about the Night Nurse. Right, what the human layer knows — signals color-coded by domain, six scores, and the track she was assigned. Composite; the file's fields are typical, the signals illustrative.
  • Behavior, not labels.

    Cohorts are built from what people do — sixty-two billion observed events — never from ethnicity, religion or party as a proxy for what they will do.

    The category default: age band, sex, party, precinct

  • Named, and written for.

    Each cohort is a person with a name, a narrative track and a register mix. Copy is written to her; the studio produces the variants; every one carries a disclosure.

    The category default: one message, three demographic cuts

  • Measured against a control.

    Every track is judged against a randomized holdout. A line that moves the Steward and suppresses the Pharmacist is caught in week two, not guessed at in November.

    The category default: a post-election poll

The Steward

n., first-ring suburb

Homeowner, twenty years at the same employer, runs the parish fish fry. Believes the deal has been broken by people who never had to keep one.

Reads as
Order, obligation, the fair deal
Moves on
Cost-of-living arithmetic told with respect, not alarm

"The people who wrote the last budget never had to keep one."

The Splitter

n., late-deciding

Has voted for both parties in the last four cycles and resents being told what she is. Decides in the final ten days, mostly on character.

Reads as
Independence
Moves on
The single credible detail, not the platform

"Two votes, two dates, on the record. Judge them yourself."

The Night Nurse

n., shift worker

Mid-career, watches the news on a phone between rounds, has no patience for anyone who has not done a hard job under pressure.

Reads as
Competence
Moves on
Proof that someone has carried weight and kept their head

"She ran a trauma floor for eleven years. You'll hear she has never run anything."

The Renter

n., downtown, under 35

Three employers on the résumé, a lease that resets every twelve months, and a commute that has quietly become the central fact of life.

Reads as
Momentum
Moves on
A candidate who names the rent and the commute in the first sentence

"Your lease resets in March. Your rent didn't ask permission."

The Pharmacist

n., exurban professional

Meticulous about sources, allergic to slogans, and will read the footnote if there is one. Trusts the messenger who shows the working.

Reads as
Skepticism
Moves on
The claim with its evidence attached

"Here is the ratio she wrote, the hospital that adopted it, and the audit that followed."

The Contractor

n., rural-exurban, self-employed

Runs a crew of four, bids every job against someone cheaper, and keeps his own books at the kitchen table on Sunday nights.

Reads as
Self-reliance
Moves on
The rule that cost him a week, named specifically

"Section 4 cost you a week in March. Here is who wrote it and who voted to repeal it."

Commerce Media Civic Household Health and work Bars show the signal domains that define each composite

The recordExhibits 3 to 5

Ninety-six in a hundred.

Across more than five hundred contests — presidential, gubernatorial, Senate and House, ballot measures, and over a hundred bond and levy elections — the programs we have designed have won ninety-six percent of the time, for candidates and causes across the spectrum. Client names are held under agreement. The methods and the margins are not.

Open the casebook

Exhibit 3Five hundred contests, one dot each. Ochre, won; bone, lost. Drawn from the firm's record across a decade; positions of the losses are schematic.
OfficeMethodNote
PresidentialHyper-localization of a national narrativeA 2016 national campaign; the message rewritten county by county for the places that decided it.
GubernatorialBehavioral targeting across three distinct strategiesThree competitive states, three different theories of the race, one measurement standard.
U.S. SenateThe neglect algorithmPersuadable voters both parties had stopped contacting, found and moved.
U.S. HouseGrassroots amplificationSmall-dollar and volunteer growth engineered from behavioral affinity, not lists.
Ballot measuresSimplifying complexityA 2022 California measure: 65 percent support at launch, 17.7 percent at the ballot.
Bonds and leviesConcrete, not abstractMore than a hundred measures; more than five billion dollars approved by voters raising their own taxes.
Committees and NGOsThe permanent campaignTrigger-based activation between cycles, so the audience is warm when it matters.
Exhibit 4The record, by office. Each method is a case in the casebook.
Exhibit 5Support for a 2022 California ballot measure. The launch figure is the campaign's baseline polling; the result is the official statewide vote of November 8, 2022 (17.7 percent yes). The intervening trajectory is drawn to scale between them. Program in field from the second month.
CasebookThree of nine

What the method did when it met a real race.

  • Simplifying complexity

    A California measure whose text ran to dozens of pages, at 65 percent support, defeated with 17.7 percent of the vote — one true sentence per voter.

  • The neglect algorithm

    The persuadable, likely voters both parties had stopped calling, found by cross-referencing contact history with receptivity.

  • Ten million, five countries

    A diaspora treated as the constituency it is, across the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, the UAE and Australia.

All nine cases

AbroadExhibit 6

The harder theaters.

The same discipline travels. Our people have run engagement, security and narrative programs for governments and institutions in the Gulf, South Asia, Southeast Asia and West Africa, and diaspora programs in five countries at once. Seven offices sit on a single desk, so a mandate in Riyadh and a race in Michigan are watched by someone who is awake.

Where we have worked

Diaspora as an electorate. A ten-million-person community spread across five countries is a constituency, whether or not anyone treats it as one. We do.

Featured readFrom the Brushworks Review
Also in the ReviewAll twenty-four papers
    The rules we work byFive things we will not do

    Five things we will not do.

    Written into every engagement letter, and the first page a donor's counsel or a ministry's compliance office is shown.

    I

    Target on identity

    We model behavior only. Ethnicity, religion and ideology are never modeled, never bought, and never accepted as a filter.

    So the Steward can be any color and any faith.

    II

    Hide the messenger

    Paid advocacy is labeled. We do not operate undisclosed personas or accounts, on any platform, in any language, for any client.

    So the second voice is a real one.

    III

    Report without a control

    Every program carries a randomized holdout sealed on day five, and every model beats a demographic and a look-alike baseline before it ships.

    So the number in the report is the number that happened.

    IV

    Cross a wall

    Independent-expenditure work is separated from candidate work by structure — teams, systems and seats. Foreign work is registered before it begins.

    So a donor's counsel can certify the posture, not take our word for it.

    V

    Run what we could not describe

    If a program could not be explained on the record, in public, in the client's name and ours, we do not run it. Mandates that fail the test are declined in writing.

    So there is nothing to find.

    WP-02 — Terrain

    The absentee drop is the real Election Day

    In most states the persuasion window closes seven weeks before November. A field guide to the general-election clock, with the arithmetic of a late ballot.

    By Brushworks research deskSeptember 2026Working paper

    Abstract. Persuasion spend that lands after ballots are mailed reaches an audience that shrinks by the day. This paper sets out the general-election calendar state by state, the size of the persuasion window it implies, and a flighting discipline that moves weight from persuasion to mobilization on the day the ballots drop rather than the day the polls close.

    In brief

    The finding
    In most states the persuasion window closes weeks before November, when ballots are mailed; every day afterward the persuadable share of the electorate shrinks.
    For a campaign
    Carry the state’s own return curve in the plan, persuade before the drop, mobilize at the ballot, and treat the closing argument as a mobilization act for the late cohort only.
    For a government or institution
    Any program with a deadline the public acts before — a registration window, a census, an enrollment period — has a return curve, and the same sequencing applies.

    In most states the persuasion window closes weeks before November, on the day the county mails its absentee ballots. Everything after that day is a race with a shrinking denominator: each morning a few more of the people you were trying to persuade have voted, and the ones who remain are, by selection, the ones least interested in the argument. A plan that treats Election Day as the deadline is a plan that has mistaken the last day of counting for the last day of deciding.

    The calendar, as the voter experiences it

    The general-election calendar has three dates that matter and one that gets all the attention. Absentee and mail ballots go out first — under federal law at least forty-five days before the election for military and overseas voters, and in most states three to five weeks before it for everyone who requested one or, in the all-mail states, for everyone. Early in-person voting opens next, typically one to three weeks out. Election Day comes last. The attention goes to the last date; the votes go to the first two.

    The scale has changed within a single decade. Before 2020, roughly two in five ballots in a federal election were cast before Election Day. In 2020 it was closer to seven in ten, with mail alone accounting for more than four in ten. The 2022 midterm settled lower — roughly a third of ballots by mail and about half cast before the day itself — and 2024 settled at three in ten by mail and six in ten before the day, by the Census Bureau's Current Population Survey: the first presidential election in which Election Day voters were a minority. The settling point is a different country from the one most campaign plans were written for.

    Approximate share of ballots cast before Election Day in the 2022 general election in selected states, rounded from state reports. The calendar is a different instrument in Phoenix than in Manchester.

    The window and the denominator

    Consider a state where absentee ballots drop at the end of week four of a nine-week general-election program. By the end of week six a third of the electorate has voted; by the end of week eight three quarters have. A persuasion message delivered in week eight reaches a quarter of the people it would have reached in week three, and that quarter is not a random sample: it is the voters who have not yet decided or have not yet bothered, weighted toward the second. The dollar buys less every day, and what it buys is less persuadable.

    Cumulative ballots returned by week in a typical vote-by-mail state, and the mirror image: the share of the electorate persuasion can still reach. The dashed line is the denominator. Illustrative shape drawn from state return files; the exact curve is state-specific and is part of every terrain brief.

    The same arithmetic runs in reverse for mobilization. A turnout contact delivered before ballots drop is a promise about the future; delivered the week ballots arrive, it is a nudge at the moment of action, which the field-experimental literature has found to be the most effective moment — Nickerson and Rogers' plan-making effects, Gerber, Green and Larimer's social-pressure mailers, the Facebook experiment of Bond and colleagues all worked by attaching the contact to the act. The calendar is telling the campaign when each register is cheapest. Most campaigns do not listen, because the plan was sequenced against November.

    Sequencing a plan to the calendar

    A calendar-sequenced plan front-loads persuasion and back-loads mobilization, and it does so by cohort rather than by state, because the voters who return a mail ballot in the first week are a knowable population. Recorded behavior identifies them: the voter who has returned a mail ballot early in each of the last three cycles will do so again, and every persuasive dollar aimed at her after week five is spent on a decision already made. The reverse also holds. The voter whose behavior says she decides late and votes in person is still reachable in week eight, and should be reached then, by the register that suits a late decider — contrast, a validator, the single credible detail.

    Where a conventional plan and a calendar-sequenced plan put their dollars, by week, as a share of program spend. The conventional plan peaks after most persuadable voters have voted. Illustrative.
    The three cohorts a calendar makes. Early mail returners, who must be persuaded before the drop and mobilized by the ballot itself. Early in-person voters, reachable through week seven and mobilized by site and hour. Election Day voters, the late deciders, reachable to the end — and the only cohort for whom the closing argument is still an argument.

    What it changed

    In a statewide program in a state where ballots drop five weeks out, sequencing the plan to the calendar moved forty percent of persuasion spend from the last three weeks into weeks two through five without changing the total. Measured against a sealed holdout, favorability lift among early mail returners was concentrated entirely before the drop — the treated and control lines run parallel afterward — while lift among Election Day voters continued to accrue through week nine. The same message, the same budget, a different calendar: the difference was several points of favorability among the cohort that decides first, and it was the cohort the conventional plan would have reached last.

    Implications

    • The terrain brief carries the return curve. Not the state's rules — the state's behavior: what share of the electorate has voted by each week, from the return files of the last two cycles.
    • Cohort the electorate by when it votes, from recorded behavior, before cohorting it by anything else.
    • Persuade before the drop; mobilize at the ballot. The registers have different best moments and the calendar sets them.
    • Treat the closing argument as a mobilization act for the late cohort, not as the campaign's last chance to persuade the whole state. That chance passed a month earlier.

    Notes and references

    1. U.S. Census Bureau. Current Population Survey, Voting and Registration Supplement, November 2020, 2022 and 2024 (mail: 43, 32 and 29 percent; before Election Day: 69, 50 and 60 percent). U.S. Election Assistance Commission, Election Administration and Voting Survey, 2022 and 2024 comprehensive reports. State-level shares above are approximate, rounded from state reports.
    2. Military and Overseas Voter Empowerment (MOVE) Act of 2009, 52 U.S.C. §20302 — the forty-five-day transmission requirement for UOCAVA ballots.
    3. Nickerson, D. W., and Rogers, T. (2010). Do you have a voting plan? Implementation intentions, voter turnout, and organic plan making. Psychological Science, 21(2), 194–199.
    4. Gerber, A. S., Green, D. P., and Larimer, C. W. (2008). Social pressure and voter turnout: evidence from a large-scale field experiment. American Political Science Review, 102(1), 33–48.
    5. Bond, R. M., et al. (2012). A 61-million-person experiment in social influence and political mobilization. Nature, 489, 295–298.
    6. Program results are from a Brushworks statewide general-election program measured against a sealed randomized holdout; the client is held under agreement.
    Next paperThe Review

    Brief us.

    Tell us the race, the calendar and the margin. Within a week we will tell you whether we can move it and what it would take. Candidate work and independent-expenditure work are taken by separate teams; say which you are. Governments and institutions: tell us the mandate and the jurisdiction, and we will tell you what registration it requires before we say anything else.

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