Brushworks
Brief us

Political strategy and data, at human resolution

Elections are decided by people, not demographics. We work at that scale.

Brushworks is a political intelligence firm. We model how individual voters behave, determine what would move each of them, and put persuasion into the field with a standard of proof — across the United States and in the harder theaters abroad.

  1. 1. The file
  2. 2. Signals resolve
  3. 3. Deciders surface
  4. 4. A program in field
Plate IFour thousand people as the voter file sees them: identical rows, nothing to tell one from another.
500+contests, from presidential to school board, over a decade
96%won, across every level and both parties
$5B+approved in more than a hundred bond and levy measures
270M+American adults and households, resolved and behaviorally scored
12countries of institutional and diaspora work
7offices on a single 24-hour desk
The premise

Most campaigns still buy the electorate the way television networks sold it in 1985: by age, sex, county and party file. Those labels are easy to purchase and easy to defend in a budget meeting. They are also the reason two neighbors with identical demographics receive identical mail and vote in opposite directions.

People do not decide as categories. They decide as individuals, under pressure, with whatever they happened to pay attention to that month. That attention leaves traces — what someone reads, buys, searches, cancels, renews, drives past on the way to work. Read carefully and modeled properly, those traces describe a person far better than the file does: what they are anxious about, what they take pride in, whom they trust, and what they have quietly stopped believing.

Brushworks was built to work at that resolution. We do the research, the modeling, the message architecture and the delivery ourselves, through our own media seats, and we measure every program against a held-out control — so that what we report at the end is what actually happened.

What we doThe method, in five movements

Terrain, audience, message, delivery, proof.

The order matters. Nothing is built before the race is mapped; nothing is written before the deciders are named; nothing is reported that was not measured against a control.

Capabilities in full

  1. I

    Terrain

    Where the race will actually be decided: the precincts, the margin, the money coming against you, and the clock.

  2. II

    Audience

    Deciders identified by what they do rather than by label, and grouped by what would move them.

  3. III

    Message

    A narrative track for each group, built from the anxieties and hopes it already holds and sequenced for the persuasion arc.

  4. IV

    Delivery

    Three registers: precision paid media, organic advocacy, and the ambient campaign. All of it disclosed, all of it through our own seats.

  5. V

    Proof

    Randomized holdouts, daily measurement, and a publish gate no model passes without beating the baseline.

The human layerExhibit 1

One person, seventeen thousand signals.

Our view of the American electorate is assembled from roughly sixty-two billion observed behaviors, resolved to more than 270 million adults and their households, organized into a ten-thousand-topic dictionary, and scored by models trained on real outcomes rather than proxies.

No single signal is decisive. The pattern is. A subscription cancelled, a commute lengthened, a local news habit, a sudden interest in prescription prices — each is noise on its own and evidence together. The graph is rebuilt monthly, digital activity refreshed daily, and none of it touches ethnicity, religion or ideology, which we do not model.

Inside the human layer

Exhibit 1The active signal registry, drawn to scale by domain — roughly 17,000 signals, each line a family of observed behaviors. Ochre marks signals that entered a scored model this month. Grouping illustrative.
From the behavioral lexiconExhibit 2, composites, not individuals

A campaign speaks to millions. It persuades one at a time.

Every other vendor in politics starts from the voter file, because that is what there is to buy: age band, sex, party, precinct, vote history. It is enough to send mail. It is not enough to know what to say. We describe deciders as phenotypes — composite people assembled from thousands of behavioral neighbors — so that a strategist and a copywriter can hold an entire segment in mind as a single person, and so that the person receives a line that was written for her.

Exhibit 2The same voter, two ways. Left, everything the voter file knows about the Night Nurse. Right, what the human layer knows — signals color-coded by domain, six scores, and the track she was assigned. Composite; the file's fields are typical, the signals illustrative.
  • Behavior, not labels.

    Cohorts are built from what people do — sixty-two billion observed events — never from ethnicity, religion or party as a proxy for what they will do.

    The category default: age band, sex, party, precinct

  • Named, and written for.

    Each cohort is a person with a name, a narrative track and a register mix. Copy is written to her; the studio produces the variants; every one carries a disclosure.

    The category default: one message, three demographic cuts

  • Measured against a control.

    Every track is judged against a randomized holdout. A line that moves the Steward and suppresses the Pharmacist is caught in week two, not guessed at in November.

    The category default: a post-election poll

The Steward

n., first-ring suburb

Homeowner, twenty years at the same employer, runs the parish fish fry. Believes the deal has been broken by people who never had to keep one.

Reads as
Order, obligation, the fair deal
Moves on
Cost-of-living arithmetic told with respect, not alarm

"The people who wrote the last budget never had to keep one."

The Splitter

n., late-deciding

Has voted for both parties in the last four cycles and resents being told what she is. Decides in the final ten days, mostly on character.

Reads as
Independence
Moves on
The single credible detail, not the platform

"Two votes, two dates, on the record. Judge them yourself."

The Night Nurse

n., shift worker

Mid-career, watches the news on a phone between rounds, has no patience for anyone who has not done a hard job under pressure.

Reads as
Competence
Moves on
Proof that someone has carried weight and kept their head

"She ran a trauma floor for eleven years. You'll hear she has never run anything."

The Renter

n., downtown, under 35

Three employers on the résumé, a lease that resets every twelve months, and a commute that has quietly become the central fact of life.

Reads as
Momentum
Moves on
A candidate who names the rent and the commute in the first sentence

"Your lease resets in March. Your rent didn't ask permission."

The Pharmacist

n., exurban professional

Meticulous about sources, allergic to slogans, and will read the footnote if there is one. Trusts the messenger who shows the working.

Reads as
Skepticism
Moves on
The claim with its evidence attached

"Here is the ratio she wrote, the hospital that adopted it, and the audit that followed."

The Contractor

n., rural-exurban, self-employed

Runs a crew of four, bids every job against someone cheaper, and keeps his own books at the kitchen table on Sunday nights.

Reads as
Self-reliance
Moves on
The rule that cost him a week, named specifically

"Section 4 cost you a week in March. Here is who wrote it and who voted to repeal it."

Commerce Media Civic Household Health and work Bars show the signal domains that define each composite

The recordExhibits 3 to 5

Ninety-six in a hundred.

Across more than five hundred contests — presidential, gubernatorial, Senate and House, ballot measures, and over a hundred bond and levy elections — the programs we have designed have won ninety-six percent of the time, for candidates and causes across the spectrum. Client names are held under agreement. The methods and the margins are not.

Open the casebook

Exhibit 3Five hundred contests, one dot each. Ochre, won; bone, lost. Drawn from the firm's record across a decade; positions of the losses are schematic.
OfficeMethodNote
PresidentialHyper-localization of a national narrativeA 2016 national campaign; the message rewritten county by county for the places that decided it.
GubernatorialBehavioral targeting across three distinct strategiesThree competitive states, three different theories of the race, one measurement standard.
U.S. SenateThe neglect algorithmPersuadable voters both parties had stopped contacting, found and moved.
U.S. HouseGrassroots amplificationSmall-dollar and volunteer growth engineered from behavioral affinity, not lists.
Ballot measuresSimplifying complexityA 2022 California measure: 65 percent support at launch, 17.7 percent at the ballot.
Bonds and leviesConcrete, not abstractMore than a hundred measures; more than five billion dollars approved by voters raising their own taxes.
Committees and NGOsThe permanent campaignTrigger-based activation between cycles, so the audience is warm when it matters.
Exhibit 4The record, by office. Each method is a case in the casebook.
Exhibit 5Support for a 2022 California ballot measure. The launch figure is the campaign's baseline polling; the result is the official statewide vote of November 8, 2022 (17.7 percent yes). The intervening trajectory is drawn to scale between them. Program in field from the second month.
CasebookThree of nine

What the method did when it met a real race.

  • Simplifying complexity

    A California measure whose text ran to dozens of pages, at 65 percent support, defeated with 17.7 percent of the vote — one true sentence per voter.

  • The neglect algorithm

    The persuadable, likely voters both parties had stopped calling, found by cross-referencing contact history with receptivity.

  • Ten million, five countries

    A diaspora treated as the constituency it is, across the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, the UAE and Australia.

All nine cases

AbroadExhibit 6

The harder theaters.

The same discipline travels. Our people have run engagement, security and narrative programs for governments and institutions in the Gulf, South Asia, Southeast Asia and West Africa, and diaspora programs in five countries at once. Seven offices sit on a single desk, so a mandate in Riyadh and a race in Michigan are watched by someone who is awake.

Where we have worked

Diaspora as an electorate. A ten-million-person community spread across five countries is a constituency, whether or not anyone treats it as one. We do.

Featured readFrom the Brushworks Review
Also in the ReviewAll twenty-four papers
    The rules we work byFive things we will not do

    Five things we will not do.

    Written into every engagement letter, and the first page a donor's counsel or a ministry's compliance office is shown.

    I

    Target on identity

    We model behavior only. Ethnicity, religion and ideology are never modeled, never bought, and never accepted as a filter.

    So the Steward can be any color and any faith.

    II

    Hide the messenger

    Paid advocacy is labeled. We do not operate undisclosed personas or accounts, on any platform, in any language, for any client.

    So the second voice is a real one.

    III

    Report without a control

    Every program carries a randomized holdout sealed on day five, and every model beats a demographic and a look-alike baseline before it ships.

    So the number in the report is the number that happened.

    IV

    Cross a wall

    Independent-expenditure work is separated from candidate work by structure — teams, systems and seats. Foreign work is registered before it begins.

    So a donor's counsel can certify the posture, not take our word for it.

    V

    Run what we could not describe

    If a program could not be explained on the record, in public, in the client's name and ours, we do not run it. Mandates that fail the test are declined in writing.

    So there is nothing to find.

    WP-26 — Measurement

    Backfire: the voters a campaign moves the wrong way

    In every program we have measured, some contact hurt. Only a control can see it, and a program that cannot see it pays to lose votes.

    By Adam SyedSeptember 2026Working paper

    Abstract. Backfire — contact that moves a cohort away from the candidate — is common, reliable by cohort, and invisible to every measurement except a sealed control. We review the field evidence, identify the four things that produce it in our programs, describe how the design detects it in time, and argue that the hold list is a creative decision as important as any line a campaign writes.

    In brief

    The finding
    Some voters move the wrong way when contacted, reliably and by cohort; only a sealed control can see it, and a program that cannot see it pays to lose votes.
    For a campaign
    Hold out by cohort and register from day five, watch the sign, and treat the hold list as a creative decision: the Certain receive nothing.
    For a government or institution
    Institutions face the same risk when a message reaches a public that reads it as talking down; the remedy is the same control and the same suppression.

    Every campaign assumes its contact helps. Some of it hurts. In every statewide program we have measured against a sealed control there has been at least one cohort that moved the wrong way when contacted — reliably, in the same direction, by several points — and in every one the campaign would have gone on contacting them, at full price, had the control not existed. Backfire is not rare. It is invisible to every method except the one that leaves people alone.

    What the literature says

    The clearest field evidence is Bailey, Hopkins and Rogers' study of a 2012 presidential canvass, which found that among some voters the contact reduced support for the candidate it was meant to help. The psychological literature on the "backfire effect" — the finding that correcting a false belief can strengthen it — has been revised by Wood and Porter's replications, which find it uncommon at the level of factual correction; but persuasion is not correction, and the political field record is consistent: contact that reads as talking down, contact in the wrong register, and contact of people who have already decided produces measurable loss. The Certain cohort in our lexicon exists because of it.

    Favorability lift by cohort at week six, treated minus sealed holdout, from a statewide program. Five cohorts moved toward the candidate; one, the Certain, moved away, by more than three points. Without the holdout the program would have kept contacting them. Illustrative; intervals in the proof report.

    What produces it

    Four things, in our programs. Attacks on a person rather than a record, which the target's own cohort reads as a signal about the attacker. Identity appeals, which reach the people who share the label and none of the concern. Contact in the wrong register — a mailer to someone who has never opened one, a validator from the wrong world. And contact of the Certain: the people whose behavior says they decided long ago and who experience persuasion as pressure. A true, checkable claim delivered in the cohort's own register almost never backfires, which is the strongest argument for the specific sentence we know.

    What produced backfire, by register, across programs where it was detected — the share of backfire cells attributable to each cause. Attacks on a person and contact of the Certain dominate in paid; a true, checkable claim is almost never the cause. Illustrative pooled shares.

    Seeing it in time

    The design that finds backfire is the design that finds everything else: a sealed holdout in every cohort from day five and register-level measurement from the first flight. The sign of the difference is watched daily. A cohort whose treated line falls below its control for three consecutive readings is suppressed in that register and re-examined; a cohort whose line falls in every register joins the hold list. The decision is written down and reported to the client in the weekly field report, with the interval.

    Favorability among the Certain, contacted and sealed, by week. The holdout is flat; the contacted decline a little more each week they are contacted. The line was suppressed at week three in the program this is drawn from; the chart shows what continuing would have done. Illustrative.
    The hold list is a creative decision. The Certain are described in the lexicon like every other cohort, with one difference: the entry ends with "receives nothing." A program that has decided whom not to contact has made a decision as important as any line it wrote.

    Implications

    • Assume some contact hurts. Design the program so that it can tell which.
    • Watch the sign, not only the size. A negative interval is a decision, not a footnote.
    • Suppress by register first. Most backfire is a wrong register, not a wrong voter.
    • Publish it. The proof report carries the cohorts that moved the wrong way, because a report that hides them is a report that hides the method.

    Notes and references

    1. Bailey, M. A., Hopkins, D. J., and Rogers, T. (2016). Unresponsive and unpersuaded: the unintended consequences of a voter persuasion effort. Political Behavior, 38(3), 713–746.
    2. Nyhan, B., and Reifler, J. (2010). When corrections fail: the persistence of political misperceptions. Political Behavior, 32(2), 303–330.
    3. Wood, T., and Porter, E. (2019). The elusive backfire effect: mass attitudes' steadfast factual adherence. Political Behavior, 41(1), 135–163.
    4. Brushworks Review WP-06, A standard of proof; WP-11, The Behavioral Lexicon. Program figures illustrative; clients held under agreement.
    Next paperThe Review

    Brief us.

    Tell us the race, the calendar and the margin. Within a week we will tell you whether we can move it and what it would take. Candidate work and independent-expenditure work are taken by separate teams; say which you are. Governments and institutions: tell us the mandate and the jurisdiction, and we will tell you what registration it requires before we say anything else.

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