Brushworks
Brief us

Political strategy and data, at human resolution

Elections are decided by people, not demographics. We work at that scale.

Brushworks is a political intelligence firm. We model how individual voters behave, determine what would move each of them, and put persuasion into the field with a standard of proof — across the United States and in the harder theaters abroad.

  1. 1. The file
  2. 2. Signals resolve
  3. 3. Deciders surface
  4. 4. A program in field
Plate IFour thousand people as the voter file sees them: identical rows, nothing to tell one from another.
500+contests, from presidential to school board, over a decade
96%won, across every level and both parties
$5B+approved in more than a hundred bond and levy measures
270M+American adults and households, resolved and behaviorally scored
12countries of institutional and diaspora work
7offices on a single 24-hour desk
The premise

Most campaigns still buy the electorate the way television networks sold it in 1985: by age, sex, county and party file. Those labels are easy to purchase and easy to defend in a budget meeting. They are also the reason two neighbors with identical demographics receive identical mail and vote in opposite directions.

People do not decide as categories. They decide as individuals, under pressure, with whatever they happened to pay attention to that month. That attention leaves traces — what someone reads, buys, searches, cancels, renews, drives past on the way to work. Read carefully and modeled properly, those traces describe a person far better than the file does: what they are anxious about, what they take pride in, whom they trust, and what they have quietly stopped believing.

Brushworks was built to work at that resolution. We do the research, the modeling, the message architecture and the delivery ourselves, through our own media seats, and we measure every program against a held-out control — so that what we report at the end is what actually happened.

What we doThe method, in five movements

Terrain, audience, message, delivery, proof.

The order matters. Nothing is built before the race is mapped; nothing is written before the deciders are named; nothing is reported that was not measured against a control.

Capabilities in full

  1. I

    Terrain

    Where the race will actually be decided: the precincts, the margin, the money coming against you, and the clock.

  2. II

    Audience

    Deciders identified by what they do rather than by label, and grouped by what would move them.

  3. III

    Message

    A narrative track for each group, built from the anxieties and hopes it already holds and sequenced for the persuasion arc.

  4. IV

    Delivery

    Three registers: precision paid media, organic advocacy, and the ambient campaign. All of it disclosed, all of it through our own seats.

  5. V

    Proof

    Randomized holdouts, daily measurement, and a publish gate no model passes without beating the baseline.

The human layerExhibit 1

One person, seventeen thousand signals.

Our view of the American electorate is assembled from roughly sixty-two billion observed behaviors, resolved to more than 270 million adults and their households, organized into a ten-thousand-topic dictionary, and scored by models trained on real outcomes rather than proxies.

No single signal is decisive. The pattern is. A subscription cancelled, a commute lengthened, a local news habit, a sudden interest in prescription prices — each is noise on its own and evidence together. The graph is rebuilt monthly, digital activity refreshed daily, and none of it touches ethnicity, religion or ideology, which we do not model.

Inside the human layer

Exhibit 1The active signal registry, drawn to scale by domain — roughly 17,000 signals, each line a family of observed behaviors. Ochre marks signals that entered a scored model this month. Grouping illustrative.
From the behavioral lexiconExhibit 2, composites, not individuals

A campaign speaks to millions. It persuades one at a time.

Every other vendor in politics starts from the voter file, because that is what there is to buy: age band, sex, party, precinct, vote history. It is enough to send mail. It is not enough to know what to say. We describe deciders as phenotypes — composite people assembled from thousands of behavioral neighbors — so that a strategist and a copywriter can hold an entire segment in mind as a single person, and so that the person receives a line that was written for her.

Exhibit 2The same voter, two ways. Left, everything the voter file knows about the Night Nurse. Right, what the human layer knows — signals color-coded by domain, six scores, and the track she was assigned. Composite; the file's fields are typical, the signals illustrative.
  • Behavior, not labels.

    Cohorts are built from what people do — sixty-two billion observed events — never from ethnicity, religion or party as a proxy for what they will do.

    The category default: age band, sex, party, precinct

  • Named, and written for.

    Each cohort is a person with a name, a narrative track and a register mix. Copy is written to her; the studio produces the variants; every one carries a disclosure.

    The category default: one message, three demographic cuts

  • Measured against a control.

    Every track is judged against a randomized holdout. A line that moves the Steward and suppresses the Pharmacist is caught in week two, not guessed at in November.

    The category default: a post-election poll

The Steward

n., first-ring suburb

Homeowner, twenty years at the same employer, runs the parish fish fry. Believes the deal has been broken by people who never had to keep one.

Reads as
Order, obligation, the fair deal
Moves on
Cost-of-living arithmetic told with respect, not alarm

"The people who wrote the last budget never had to keep one."

The Splitter

n., late-deciding

Has voted for both parties in the last four cycles and resents being told what she is. Decides in the final ten days, mostly on character.

Reads as
Independence
Moves on
The single credible detail, not the platform

"Two votes, two dates, on the record. Judge them yourself."

The Night Nurse

n., shift worker

Mid-career, watches the news on a phone between rounds, has no patience for anyone who has not done a hard job under pressure.

Reads as
Competence
Moves on
Proof that someone has carried weight and kept their head

"She ran a trauma floor for eleven years. You'll hear she has never run anything."

The Renter

n., downtown, under 35

Three employers on the résumé, a lease that resets every twelve months, and a commute that has quietly become the central fact of life.

Reads as
Momentum
Moves on
A candidate who names the rent and the commute in the first sentence

"Your lease resets in March. Your rent didn't ask permission."

The Pharmacist

n., exurban professional

Meticulous about sources, allergic to slogans, and will read the footnote if there is one. Trusts the messenger who shows the working.

Reads as
Skepticism
Moves on
The claim with its evidence attached

"Here is the ratio she wrote, the hospital that adopted it, and the audit that followed."

The Contractor

n., rural-exurban, self-employed

Runs a crew of four, bids every job against someone cheaper, and keeps his own books at the kitchen table on Sunday nights.

Reads as
Self-reliance
Moves on
The rule that cost him a week, named specifically

"Section 4 cost you a week in March. Here is who wrote it and who voted to repeal it."

Commerce Media Civic Household Health and work Bars show the signal domains that define each composite

The recordExhibits 3 to 5

Ninety-six in a hundred.

Across more than five hundred contests — presidential, gubernatorial, Senate and House, ballot measures, and over a hundred bond and levy elections — the programs we have designed have won ninety-six percent of the time, for candidates and causes across the spectrum. Client names are held under agreement. The methods and the margins are not.

Open the casebook

Exhibit 3Five hundred contests, one dot each. Ochre, won; bone, lost. Drawn from the firm's record across a decade; positions of the losses are schematic.
OfficeMethodNote
PresidentialHyper-localization of a national narrativeA 2016 national campaign; the message rewritten county by county for the places that decided it.
GubernatorialBehavioral targeting across three distinct strategiesThree competitive states, three different theories of the race, one measurement standard.
U.S. SenateThe neglect algorithmPersuadable voters both parties had stopped contacting, found and moved.
U.S. HouseGrassroots amplificationSmall-dollar and volunteer growth engineered from behavioral affinity, not lists.
Ballot measuresSimplifying complexityA 2022 California measure: 65 percent support at launch, 17.7 percent at the ballot.
Bonds and leviesConcrete, not abstractMore than a hundred measures; more than five billion dollars approved by voters raising their own taxes.
Committees and NGOsThe permanent campaignTrigger-based activation between cycles, so the audience is warm when it matters.
Exhibit 4The record, by office. Each method is a case in the casebook.
Exhibit 5Support for a 2022 California ballot measure. The launch figure is the campaign's baseline polling; the result is the official statewide vote of November 8, 2022 (17.7 percent yes). The intervening trajectory is drawn to scale between them. Program in field from the second month.
CasebookThree of nine

What the method did when it met a real race.

  • Simplifying complexity

    A California measure whose text ran to dozens of pages, at 65 percent support, defeated with 17.7 percent of the vote — one true sentence per voter.

  • The neglect algorithm

    The persuadable, likely voters both parties had stopped calling, found by cross-referencing contact history with receptivity.

  • Ten million, five countries

    A diaspora treated as the constituency it is, across the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, the UAE and Australia.

All nine cases

AbroadExhibit 6

The harder theaters.

The same discipline travels. Our people have run engagement, security and narrative programs for governments and institutions in the Gulf, South Asia, Southeast Asia and West Africa, and diaspora programs in five countries at once. Seven offices sit on a single desk, so a mandate in Riyadh and a race in Michigan are watched by someone who is awake.

Where we have worked

Diaspora as an electorate. A ten-million-person community spread across five countries is a constituency, whether or not anyone treats it as one. We do.

Featured readFrom the Brushworks Review
Also in the ReviewAll twenty-four papers
    The rules we work byFive things we will not do

    Five things we will not do.

    Written into every engagement letter, and the first page a donor's counsel or a ministry's compliance office is shown.

    I

    Target on identity

    We model behavior only. Ethnicity, religion and ideology are never modeled, never bought, and never accepted as a filter.

    So the Steward can be any color and any faith.

    II

    Hide the messenger

    Paid advocacy is labeled. We do not operate undisclosed personas or accounts, on any platform, in any language, for any client.

    So the second voice is a real one.

    III

    Report without a control

    Every program carries a randomized holdout sealed on day five, and every model beats a demographic and a look-alike baseline before it ships.

    So the number in the report is the number that happened.

    IV

    Cross a wall

    Independent-expenditure work is separated from candidate work by structure — teams, systems and seats. Foreign work is registered before it begins.

    So a donor's counsel can certify the posture, not take our word for it.

    V

    Run what we could not describe

    If a program could not be explained on the record, in public, in the client's name and ours, we do not run it. Mandates that fail the test are declined in writing.

    So there is nothing to find.

    WP-17 — Casebook

    The bond calendar: why spring measures pass

    Turnout, weather and the school year conspire in April. Timing a levy is half the campaign.

    By Brushworks research deskSeptember 2026Working paper

    Abstract. Across more than a hundred bond and levy measures, the election date explains more of the result than the size of the ask. We set out the calendar effects — turnout composition, competing measures, the school-year rhythm — and a decision rule for choosing the date before choosing the message.

    In brief

    The finding
    The date of a bond election chooses its electorate; spring measures pass most because their voters own their homes and know what the money buys. Timing sets the difficulty; concreteness, cohort by cohort, sets the result.
    For a campaign
    Model the electorate for each available date, prefer the date whose voters already know what the money buys, count the other asks on the ballot, then sequence to the return curve.
    For a government or institution
    Any public consultation or vote an institution can schedule is subject to the same composition effect, and the choice should be made deliberately and defensibly.

    Across more than a hundred bond and levy measures, the date on which the question was asked explains more of the result than the size of the ask. This is not a trick and it is not new; the political science of election timing has documented it for fifteen years. It is, however, routinely ignored by districts that pick a date for administrative convenience and then spend the campaign trying to win an electorate they chose by accident. The bond calendar is half the campaign. This paper sets out why, and how to read it.

    The electorate is chosen by the date

    Turnout in a spring special election is a fraction of turnout in a November general, and the fraction is not a random sample. Anzia's work on off-cycle elections showed that low-turnout timing shifts electoral influence toward organized, high-propensity groups — in school districts, toward employees and parents — and Kogan, Lavertu and Peskowitz demonstrated the consequence for tax measures directly: the composition of the electorate changes with the calendar, and the passage of levies changes with it. A district that asks in April is asking homeowners over fifty-five and the parents of enrolled children; a district that asks in November is asking everyone, including the renters and the young for whom the levy is abstract and the sporadic voters who resolve uncertainty toward no.

    Who votes in a spring special election and in a November general, as shares of the electorate, illustrative of the composition literature. The spring electorate is older, owns its home, and knows what the measure buys. The November electorate includes everyone the levy has not been explained to.

    What the record shows

    Pooled across the firm's measures and public results, passage rates are highest in the spring — April and May in the states that allow it — and lowest in the November of an even year, when the measure shares a ballot with everything else and the electorate is largest and least attentive to it. Odd-year Novembers sit between. The differences are not small: the spring advantage over an even-year November is on the order of twenty points of passage rate in the pooled record, and it survives controlling for the size of the ask.

    Passage rate of school bond and levy measures by election month, pooled from the firm's record and public results, illustrative and rounded. Spring measures pass most; even-year November measures pass least, on the largest and least attentive electorate.
    Timing is legitimate, and it is not the whole answer. The date is a choice the law gives a district, and every district makes it; the question is whether it is made deliberately. But a measure timed to a favorable electorate and framed abstractly still loses, and a measure timed to November and framed concretely, cohort by cohort, can still win. The calendar sets the difficulty. The program sets the result.

    Competition on the ballot

    The second calendar effect is company. A bond that shares a ballot with a county sales tax, a state measure and a contested race is competing for the voter's tolerance for yes, and tolerance is finite: voters who have said yes to two asks say no to the third. The terrain brief for a bond maps every other question likely to be on the same ballot and, where the district has a choice, avoids the dates on which the yes budget is already spent. Where it has no choice, the frame acknowledges the company — this one, not those — rather than pretending the measure arrives alone.

    Reading the calendar

    The decision is made in order. First, composition: for each available date, who will vote, modeled from recorded participation and behavior rather than from the last comparable election alone. Second, support within each composition: what the measure polls among the people who will actually be there, cohort by cohort. Third, competition: what else is on each ballot. Then the date, and only then the frame and the program, sequenced to the return curve of the date chosen — because in an all-mail district the spring election is decided in three weeks and the persuasion window closes with the mailing.

    The bond calendar decision in order: composition, support within it, competition, the date, the frame, the program. Districts that begin with the frame are choosing the electorate by accident.

    Implications for districts

    • Model the electorate for each date before choosing one; the last election is a sample of one.
    • Prefer the date whose electorate already knows what the money buys, and tell it precisely.
    • Count the other asks. Yes is a budget.
    • Sequence to the return curve. A spring all-mail election is over before the yard signs go up.
    • Then run the program. The calendar makes the measure winnable. Concreteness, cohort by cohort, wins it.

    Notes and references

    1. Anzia, S. F. (2011). Election timing and the electoral influence of interest groups. Journal of Politics, 73(2), 412–427.
    2. Kogan, V., Lavertu, S., and Peskowitz, Z. (2018). Election timing, electorate composition, and policy outcomes: evidence from school districts. American Journal of Political Science, 62(3), 637–651.
    3. Meredith, M. (2009). The strategic timing of direct democracy. Economics and Politics, 21(1), 159–177.
    4. Bowler, S., and Donovan, T. (1998). Demanding Choices. University of Michigan Press — on uncertainty and the no vote.
    5. Passage-rate figures are pooled from the firm's bond and levy record and from public results, rounded; districts are anonymized under agreement. Review WP-09, Concrete, not abstract.
    Next paperThe Review

    Brief us.

    Tell us the race, the calendar and the margin. Within a week we will tell you whether we can move it and what it would take. Candidate work and independent-expenditure work are taken by separate teams; say which you are. Governments and institutions: tell us the mandate and the jurisdiction, and we will tell you what registration it requires before we say anything else.

    Send a brief

    brief@brwrks.com
    Candidate practice
    Independent-expenditure practice
    International practice
    Brushworks, Inc. — a Wyoming corporation
    Washington, New York, Ottawa, London, Munich, Dubai, Tokyo