Brushworks
Brief us

Political strategy and data, at human resolution

Elections are decided by people, not demographics. We work at that scale.

Brushworks is a political intelligence firm. We model how individual voters behave, determine what would move each of them, and put persuasion into the field with a standard of proof — across the United States and in the harder theaters abroad.

  1. 1. The file
  2. 2. Signals resolve
  3. 3. Deciders surface
  4. 4. A program in field
Plate IFour thousand people as the voter file sees them: identical rows, nothing to tell one from another.
500+contests, from presidential to school board, over a decade
96%won, across every level and both parties
$5B+approved in more than a hundred bond and levy measures
270M+American adults and households, resolved and behaviorally scored
12countries of institutional and diaspora work
7offices on a single 24-hour desk
The premise

Most campaigns still buy the electorate the way television networks sold it in 1985: by age, sex, county and party file. Those labels are easy to purchase and easy to defend in a budget meeting. They are also the reason two neighbors with identical demographics receive identical mail and vote in opposite directions.

People do not decide as categories. They decide as individuals, under pressure, with whatever they happened to pay attention to that month. That attention leaves traces — what someone reads, buys, searches, cancels, renews, drives past on the way to work. Read carefully and modeled properly, those traces describe a person far better than the file does: what they are anxious about, what they take pride in, whom they trust, and what they have quietly stopped believing.

Brushworks was built to work at that resolution. We do the research, the modeling, the message architecture and the delivery ourselves, through our own media seats, and we measure every program against a held-out control — so that what we report at the end is what actually happened.

What we doThe method, in five movements

Terrain, audience, message, delivery, proof.

The order matters. Nothing is built before the race is mapped; nothing is written before the deciders are named; nothing is reported that was not measured against a control.

Capabilities in full

  1. I

    Terrain

    Where the race will actually be decided: the precincts, the margin, the money coming against you, and the clock.

  2. II

    Audience

    Deciders identified by what they do rather than by label, and grouped by what would move them.

  3. III

    Message

    A narrative track for each group, built from the anxieties and hopes it already holds and sequenced for the persuasion arc.

  4. IV

    Delivery

    Three registers: precision paid media, organic advocacy, and the ambient campaign. All of it disclosed, all of it through our own seats.

  5. V

    Proof

    Randomized holdouts, daily measurement, and a publish gate no model passes without beating the baseline.

The human layerExhibit 1

One person, seventeen thousand signals.

Our view of the American electorate is assembled from roughly sixty-two billion observed behaviors, resolved to more than 270 million adults and their households, organized into a ten-thousand-topic dictionary, and scored by models trained on real outcomes rather than proxies.

No single signal is decisive. The pattern is. A subscription cancelled, a commute lengthened, a local news habit, a sudden interest in prescription prices — each is noise on its own and evidence together. The graph is rebuilt monthly, digital activity refreshed daily, and none of it touches ethnicity, religion or ideology, which we do not model.

Inside the human layer

Exhibit 1The active signal registry, drawn to scale by domain — roughly 17,000 signals, each line a family of observed behaviors. Ochre marks signals that entered a scored model this month. Grouping illustrative.
From the behavioral lexiconExhibit 2, composites, not individuals

A campaign speaks to millions. It persuades one at a time.

Every other vendor in politics starts from the voter file, because that is what there is to buy: age band, sex, party, precinct, vote history. It is enough to send mail. It is not enough to know what to say. We describe deciders as phenotypes — composite people assembled from thousands of behavioral neighbors — so that a strategist and a copywriter can hold an entire segment in mind as a single person, and so that the person receives a line that was written for her.

Exhibit 2The same voter, two ways. Left, everything the voter file knows about the Night Nurse. Right, what the human layer knows — signals color-coded by domain, six scores, and the track she was assigned. Composite; the file's fields are typical, the signals illustrative.
  • Behavior, not labels.

    Cohorts are built from what people do — sixty-two billion observed events — never from ethnicity, religion or party as a proxy for what they will do.

    The category default: age band, sex, party, precinct

  • Named, and written for.

    Each cohort is a person with a name, a narrative track and a register mix. Copy is written to her; the studio produces the variants; every one carries a disclosure.

    The category default: one message, three demographic cuts

  • Measured against a control.

    Every track is judged against a randomized holdout. A line that moves the Steward and suppresses the Pharmacist is caught in week two, not guessed at in November.

    The category default: a post-election poll

The Steward

n., first-ring suburb

Homeowner, twenty years at the same employer, runs the parish fish fry. Believes the deal has been broken by people who never had to keep one.

Reads as
Order, obligation, the fair deal
Moves on
Cost-of-living arithmetic told with respect, not alarm

"The people who wrote the last budget never had to keep one."

The Splitter

n., late-deciding

Has voted for both parties in the last four cycles and resents being told what she is. Decides in the final ten days, mostly on character.

Reads as
Independence
Moves on
The single credible detail, not the platform

"Two votes, two dates, on the record. Judge them yourself."

The Night Nurse

n., shift worker

Mid-career, watches the news on a phone between rounds, has no patience for anyone who has not done a hard job under pressure.

Reads as
Competence
Moves on
Proof that someone has carried weight and kept their head

"She ran a trauma floor for eleven years. You'll hear she has never run anything."

The Renter

n., downtown, under 35

Three employers on the résumé, a lease that resets every twelve months, and a commute that has quietly become the central fact of life.

Reads as
Momentum
Moves on
A candidate who names the rent and the commute in the first sentence

"Your lease resets in March. Your rent didn't ask permission."

The Pharmacist

n., exurban professional

Meticulous about sources, allergic to slogans, and will read the footnote if there is one. Trusts the messenger who shows the working.

Reads as
Skepticism
Moves on
The claim with its evidence attached

"Here is the ratio she wrote, the hospital that adopted it, and the audit that followed."

The Contractor

n., rural-exurban, self-employed

Runs a crew of four, bids every job against someone cheaper, and keeps his own books at the kitchen table on Sunday nights.

Reads as
Self-reliance
Moves on
The rule that cost him a week, named specifically

"Section 4 cost you a week in March. Here is who wrote it and who voted to repeal it."

Commerce Media Civic Household Health and work Bars show the signal domains that define each composite

The recordExhibits 3 to 5

Ninety-six in a hundred.

Across more than five hundred contests — presidential, gubernatorial, Senate and House, ballot measures, and over a hundred bond and levy elections — the programs we have designed have won ninety-six percent of the time, for candidates and causes across the spectrum. Client names are held under agreement. The methods and the margins are not.

Open the casebook

Exhibit 3Five hundred contests, one dot each. Ochre, won; bone, lost. Drawn from the firm's record across a decade; positions of the losses are schematic.
OfficeMethodNote
PresidentialHyper-localization of a national narrativeA 2016 national campaign; the message rewritten county by county for the places that decided it.
GubernatorialBehavioral targeting across three distinct strategiesThree competitive states, three different theories of the race, one measurement standard.
U.S. SenateThe neglect algorithmPersuadable voters both parties had stopped contacting, found and moved.
U.S. HouseGrassroots amplificationSmall-dollar and volunteer growth engineered from behavioral affinity, not lists.
Ballot measuresSimplifying complexityA 2022 California measure: 65 percent support at launch, 17.7 percent at the ballot.
Bonds and leviesConcrete, not abstractMore than a hundred measures; more than five billion dollars approved by voters raising their own taxes.
Committees and NGOsThe permanent campaignTrigger-based activation between cycles, so the audience is warm when it matters.
Exhibit 4The record, by office. Each method is a case in the casebook.
Exhibit 5Support for a 2022 California ballot measure. The launch figure is the campaign's baseline polling; the result is the official statewide vote of November 8, 2022 (17.7 percent yes). The intervening trajectory is drawn to scale between them. Program in field from the second month.
CasebookThree of nine

What the method did when it met a real race.

  • Simplifying complexity

    A California measure whose text ran to dozens of pages, at 65 percent support, defeated with 17.7 percent of the vote — one true sentence per voter.

  • The neglect algorithm

    The persuadable, likely voters both parties had stopped calling, found by cross-referencing contact history with receptivity.

  • Ten million, five countries

    A diaspora treated as the constituency it is, across the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, the UAE and Australia.

All nine cases

AbroadExhibit 6

The harder theaters.

The same discipline travels. Our people have run engagement, security and narrative programs for governments and institutions in the Gulf, South Asia, Southeast Asia and West Africa, and diaspora programs in five countries at once. Seven offices sit on a single desk, so a mandate in Riyadh and a race in Michigan are watched by someone who is awake.

Where we have worked

Diaspora as an electorate. A ten-million-person community spread across five countries is a constituency, whether or not anyone treats it as one. We do.

Featured readFrom the Brushworks Review
Also in the ReviewAll twenty-four papers
    The rules we work byFive things we will not do

    Five things we will not do.

    Written into every engagement letter, and the first page a donor's counsel or a ministry's compliance office is shown.

    I

    Target on identity

    We model behavior only. Ethnicity, religion and ideology are never modeled, never bought, and never accepted as a filter.

    So the Steward can be any color and any faith.

    II

    Hide the messenger

    Paid advocacy is labeled. We do not operate undisclosed personas or accounts, on any platform, in any language, for any client.

    So the second voice is a real one.

    III

    Report without a control

    Every program carries a randomized holdout sealed on day five, and every model beats a demographic and a look-alike baseline before it ships.

    So the number in the report is the number that happened.

    IV

    Cross a wall

    Independent-expenditure work is separated from candidate work by structure — teams, systems and seats. Foreign work is registered before it begins.

    So a donor's counsel can certify the posture, not take our word for it.

    V

    Run what we could not describe

    If a program could not be explained on the record, in public, in the client's name and ours, we do not run it. Mandates that fail the test are declined in writing.

    So there is nothing to find.

    WP-23 — Abroad

    Two hours, five markets

    Inside a diaspora crisis desk: pre-scored audiences, pre-built creative, and a clock that starts when the headline does.

    By Brushworks research deskSeptember 2026Working paper

    Abstract. A crisis desk is a set of decisions made in advance. We describe the standing architecture of a five-market diaspora desk — who is reachable, with what, in which language, from which office — and the measured response times through a season of incidents.

    In brief

    The finding
    A destabilizing claim doubles its reach in its first hours; a response inside two hours holds and reverses it. The desk that achieves that made every decision — who cares, who will they believe, what we say, who is awake — months earlier.
    For a campaign
    Pre-score the audience by class of event, pre-build the creative in every language, cast validators before they are needed, and rehearse the clock on the hard cases.
    For a government or institution
    Any government or institution with a public across time zones and languages faces the same clock; the four standing components transfer directly.

    A crisis desk is a set of decisions made in advance. When a headline lands in one of five markets — at three in the morning in Washington and lunchtime in Dubai — the questions that matter cannot be answered for the first time then: who in the community cares about this, in which market, in which language; who will they believe; what will we say; who is awake to say it. The desk exists so that every one of those questions was answered in the months when nothing was happening. This paper describes the standing architecture of a five-market diaspora desk, the clock it runs on, and the measured response times through a season of incidents.

    Why two hours

    The rumor literature, from Allport and Postman's wartime studies to DiFonzo and Bordia's synthesis, agrees on the shape: a false or destabilizing claim spreads fastest in its first hours, when uncertainty is highest and no authoritative account exists, and each hour without a response widens the audience the response must later reach. Modern platform dynamics compress the curve. In the incidents we have measured, a claim's reach at four hours was roughly double its reach at two, and at twelve hours more than triple; a response that arrived inside two hours held reach near the two-hour level and reversed it by the second day. A response at twelve hours is a rebuttal to an audience three times the size, most of whom have already updated.

    Reach of a destabilizing claim with no response and with a desk response live inside two hours, indexed to reach at hour two, illustrative of the incidents measured. Every hour of delay is an audience the response must later chase.

    The standing architecture

    Four things are built before any incident. Pre-scored audiences: each behavioral cohort of the community, in each market, scored for the kinds of event it attends to, refreshed on the daily activity cycle, so that when an event lands the desk knows within minutes who cares and where. Pre-built creative: master responses for each foreseeable class of incident, in three languages, adaptable to the specific event in under an hour, each carrying its sponsor. Validators identified in advance: in every market, the community leaders, institutions and professionals each cohort believes, with relationships built before they are needed. The watch: seven offices on one desk, so that the incident is always on someone's business day, with a written handoff and a rehearsed clock.

    The desk's clock, in minutes from the headline: confirmation by the office on watch, cohorts scored, validators contacted, creative adapted, first response live in the market where the event landed, all five markets live, and the holdout comparison begun. The rehearsal is the clock; the incident is the exam.

    A season of incidents

    Through a season the desk answered six incidents, chosen here because each tested a different failure mode: a weekday event in London hours; a weekend event in Sydney hours, when only one office was open; an overnight event for every office but Tokyo; two markets at once; an event in Dubai hours on a weekday; and an event during a holiday in three of the five markets. First response — headline to first placement live in the market where the event landed — ranged from under an hour to under two and a half, with the two-hour target met in four of six and missed by under a quarter of an hour in the other two, on the holiday and on the two-market day.

    First-response time by incident through a season, minutes from headline to first placement live. The two misses were the holiday in three markets and the two-market incident; both are now rehearsed cases.
    Measured against a standing control. The diaspora program's sealed holdout — cohorts in each market that receive nothing — is the desk's control as well. Every response is measured against it from the third hour, so that the desk's report says what the response did to sentiment and reach, not merely that it was fast.

    What transfers

    The architecture is not specific to a diaspora. Any institution whose public is spread across time zones and languages — a government with an overseas community, a multilateral body, a company with a national footprint and a regulatory exposure — faces the same clock and can build the same four things in advance. The question a crisis asks is never "what should we say." It is "did we decide, months ago, who would say what to whom, and is someone awake."

    Implications

    • Score the audience before the event. Who cares about which class of incident is knowable in advance.
    • Build the creative before the event. A master in three languages adapts in an hour; a blank page takes a day.
    • Cast validators before the event. Relationships cannot be built at three in the morning.
    • Rehearse the clock. The holiday and the two-market day are the cases to drill.
    • Measure the response. Fast is necessary; the holdout says whether it was right.

    Notes and references

    1. Allport, G. W., and Postman, L. (1947). The Psychology of Rumor. Henry Holt.
    2. DiFonzo, N., and Bordia, P. (2007). Rumor Psychology: Social and Organizational Approaches. American Psychological Association.
    3. Vosoughi, S., Roy, D., and Aral, S. (2018). The spread of true and false news online. Science, 359(6380), 1146–1151 — on the speed and reach of false claims in their first hours.
    4. Brushworks Review WP-08, The diaspora is a constituency. Incident figures are from the firm's five-market desk through one season; the institution is held under agreement.
    Next paperThe Review

    Brief us.

    Tell us the race, the calendar and the margin. Within a week we will tell you whether we can move it and what it would take. Candidate work and independent-expenditure work are taken by separate teams; say which you are. Governments and institutions: tell us the mandate and the jurisdiction, and we will tell you what registration it requires before we say anything else.

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