Brushworks
Brief us

Political strategy and data, at human resolution

Elections are decided by people, not demographics. We work at that scale.

Brushworks is a political intelligence firm. We model how individual voters behave, determine what would move each of them, and put persuasion into the field with a standard of proof — across the United States and in the harder theaters abroad.

  1. 1. The file
  2. 2. Signals resolve
  3. 3. Deciders surface
  4. 4. A program in field
Plate IFour thousand people as the voter file sees them: identical rows, nothing to tell one from another.
500+contests, from presidential to school board, over a decade
96%won, across every level and both parties
$5B+approved in more than a hundred bond and levy measures
270M+American adults and households, resolved and behaviorally scored
12countries of institutional and diaspora work
7offices on a single 24-hour desk
The premise

Most campaigns still buy the electorate the way television networks sold it in 1985: by age, sex, county and party file. Those labels are easy to purchase and easy to defend in a budget meeting. They are also the reason two neighbors with identical demographics receive identical mail and vote in opposite directions.

People do not decide as categories. They decide as individuals, under pressure, with whatever they happened to pay attention to that month. That attention leaves traces — what someone reads, buys, searches, cancels, renews, drives past on the way to work. Read carefully and modeled properly, those traces describe a person far better than the file does: what they are anxious about, what they take pride in, whom they trust, and what they have quietly stopped believing.

Brushworks was built to work at that resolution. We do the research, the modeling, the message architecture and the delivery ourselves, through our own media seats, and we measure every program against a held-out control — so that what we report at the end is what actually happened.

What we doThe method, in five movements

Terrain, audience, message, delivery, proof.

The order matters. Nothing is built before the race is mapped; nothing is written before the deciders are named; nothing is reported that was not measured against a control.

Capabilities in full

  1. I

    Terrain

    Where the race will actually be decided: the precincts, the margin, the money coming against you, and the clock.

  2. II

    Audience

    Deciders identified by what they do rather than by label, and grouped by what would move them.

  3. III

    Message

    A narrative track for each group, built from the anxieties and hopes it already holds and sequenced for the persuasion arc.

  4. IV

    Delivery

    Three registers: precision paid media, organic advocacy, and the ambient campaign. All of it disclosed, all of it through our own seats.

  5. V

    Proof

    Randomized holdouts, daily measurement, and a publish gate no model passes without beating the baseline.

The human layerExhibit 1

One person, seventeen thousand signals.

Our view of the American electorate is assembled from roughly sixty-two billion observed behaviors, resolved to more than 270 million adults and their households, organized into a ten-thousand-topic dictionary, and scored by models trained on real outcomes rather than proxies.

No single signal is decisive. The pattern is. A subscription cancelled, a commute lengthened, a local news habit, a sudden interest in prescription prices — each is noise on its own and evidence together. The graph is rebuilt monthly, digital activity refreshed daily, and none of it touches ethnicity, religion or ideology, which we do not model.

Inside the human layer

Exhibit 1The active signal registry, drawn to scale by domain — roughly 17,000 signals, each line a family of observed behaviors. Ochre marks signals that entered a scored model this month. Grouping illustrative.
From the behavioral lexiconExhibit 2, composites, not individuals

A campaign speaks to millions. It persuades one at a time.

Every other vendor in politics starts from the voter file, because that is what there is to buy: age band, sex, party, precinct, vote history. It is enough to send mail. It is not enough to know what to say. We describe deciders as phenotypes — composite people assembled from thousands of behavioral neighbors — so that a strategist and a copywriter can hold an entire segment in mind as a single person, and so that the person receives a line that was written for her.

Exhibit 2The same voter, two ways. Left, everything the voter file knows about the Night Nurse. Right, what the human layer knows — signals color-coded by domain, six scores, and the track she was assigned. Composite; the file's fields are typical, the signals illustrative.
  • Behavior, not labels.

    Cohorts are built from what people do — sixty-two billion observed events — never from ethnicity, religion or party as a proxy for what they will do.

    The category default: age band, sex, party, precinct

  • Named, and written for.

    Each cohort is a person with a name, a narrative track and a register mix. Copy is written to her; the studio produces the variants; every one carries a disclosure.

    The category default: one message, three demographic cuts

  • Measured against a control.

    Every track is judged against a randomized holdout. A line that moves the Steward and suppresses the Pharmacist is caught in week two, not guessed at in November.

    The category default: a post-election poll

The Steward

n., first-ring suburb

Homeowner, twenty years at the same employer, runs the parish fish fry. Believes the deal has been broken by people who never had to keep one.

Reads as
Order, obligation, the fair deal
Moves on
Cost-of-living arithmetic told with respect, not alarm

"The people who wrote the last budget never had to keep one."

The Splitter

n., late-deciding

Has voted for both parties in the last four cycles and resents being told what she is. Decides in the final ten days, mostly on character.

Reads as
Independence
Moves on
The single credible detail, not the platform

"Two votes, two dates, on the record. Judge them yourself."

The Night Nurse

n., shift worker

Mid-career, watches the news on a phone between rounds, has no patience for anyone who has not done a hard job under pressure.

Reads as
Competence
Moves on
Proof that someone has carried weight and kept their head

"She ran a trauma floor for eleven years. You'll hear she has never run anything."

The Renter

n., downtown, under 35

Three employers on the résumé, a lease that resets every twelve months, and a commute that has quietly become the central fact of life.

Reads as
Momentum
Moves on
A candidate who names the rent and the commute in the first sentence

"Your lease resets in March. Your rent didn't ask permission."

The Pharmacist

n., exurban professional

Meticulous about sources, allergic to slogans, and will read the footnote if there is one. Trusts the messenger who shows the working.

Reads as
Skepticism
Moves on
The claim with its evidence attached

"Here is the ratio she wrote, the hospital that adopted it, and the audit that followed."

The Contractor

n., rural-exurban, self-employed

Runs a crew of four, bids every job against someone cheaper, and keeps his own books at the kitchen table on Sunday nights.

Reads as
Self-reliance
Moves on
The rule that cost him a week, named specifically

"Section 4 cost you a week in March. Here is who wrote it and who voted to repeal it."

Commerce Media Civic Household Health and work Bars show the signal domains that define each composite

The recordExhibits 3 to 5

Ninety-six in a hundred.

Across more than five hundred contests — presidential, gubernatorial, Senate and House, ballot measures, and over a hundred bond and levy elections — the programs we have designed have won ninety-six percent of the time, for candidates and causes across the spectrum. Client names are held under agreement. The methods and the margins are not.

Open the casebook

Exhibit 3Five hundred contests, one dot each. Ochre, won; bone, lost. Drawn from the firm's record across a decade; positions of the losses are schematic.
OfficeMethodNote
PresidentialHyper-localization of a national narrativeA 2016 national campaign; the message rewritten county by county for the places that decided it.
GubernatorialBehavioral targeting across three distinct strategiesThree competitive states, three different theories of the race, one measurement standard.
U.S. SenateThe neglect algorithmPersuadable voters both parties had stopped contacting, found and moved.
U.S. HouseGrassroots amplificationSmall-dollar and volunteer growth engineered from behavioral affinity, not lists.
Ballot measuresSimplifying complexityA 2022 California measure: 65 percent support at launch, 17.7 percent at the ballot.
Bonds and leviesConcrete, not abstractMore than a hundred measures; more than five billion dollars approved by voters raising their own taxes.
Committees and NGOsThe permanent campaignTrigger-based activation between cycles, so the audience is warm when it matters.
Exhibit 4The record, by office. Each method is a case in the casebook.
Exhibit 5Support for a 2022 California ballot measure. The launch figure is the campaign's baseline polling; the result is the official statewide vote of November 8, 2022 (17.7 percent yes). The intervening trajectory is drawn to scale between them. Program in field from the second month.
CasebookThree of nine

What the method did when it met a real race.

  • Simplifying complexity

    A California measure whose text ran to dozens of pages, at 65 percent support, defeated with 17.7 percent of the vote — one true sentence per voter.

  • The neglect algorithm

    The persuadable, likely voters both parties had stopped calling, found by cross-referencing contact history with receptivity.

  • Ten million, five countries

    A diaspora treated as the constituency it is, across the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, the UAE and Australia.

All nine cases

AbroadExhibit 6

The harder theaters.

The same discipline travels. Our people have run engagement, security and narrative programs for governments and institutions in the Gulf, South Asia, Southeast Asia and West Africa, and diaspora programs in five countries at once. Seven offices sit on a single desk, so a mandate in Riyadh and a race in Michigan are watched by someone who is awake.

Where we have worked

Diaspora as an electorate. A ten-million-person community spread across five countries is a constituency, whether or not anyone treats it as one. We do.

Featured readFrom the Brushworks Review
Also in the ReviewAll twenty-four papers
    The rules we work byFive things we will not do

    Five things we will not do.

    Written into every engagement letter, and the first page a donor's counsel or a ministry's compliance office is shown.

    I

    Target on identity

    We model behavior only. Ethnicity, religion and ideology are never modeled, never bought, and never accepted as a filter.

    So the Steward can be any color and any faith.

    II

    Hide the messenger

    Paid advocacy is labeled. We do not operate undisclosed personas or accounts, on any platform, in any language, for any client.

    So the second voice is a real one.

    III

    Report without a control

    Every program carries a randomized holdout sealed on day five, and every model beats a demographic and a look-alike baseline before it ships.

    So the number in the report is the number that happened.

    IV

    Cross a wall

    Independent-expenditure work is separated from candidate work by structure — teams, systems and seats. Foreign work is registered before it begins.

    So a donor's counsel can certify the posture, not take our word for it.

    V

    Run what we could not describe

    If a program could not be explained on the record, in public, in the client's name and ours, we do not run it. Mandates that fail the test are declined in writing.

    So there is nothing to find.

    WP-08 — Abroad

    The diaspora is a constituency

    Ten million people across five countries carry a homeland’s story into other people’s elections. Almost nobody models them as an electorate.

    By Adam SyedSeptember 2026Working paper

    Abstract. Diaspora communities are treated by their homelands as a sentiment problem and by their host countries as a demographic. We describe a five-country program that treated a ten-million-person diaspora as an electorate — segmented by behavior, reached through its own leaders — and what it implies for host-country campaigns that ignore the same population.

    In brief

    The finding
    A ten-million-person diaspora across five countries behaves as several cohorts defined by what they attend to, not as one ethnic audience; treated as a constituency through its own institutions and measured against a control, it recovered from a crisis its untreated counterpart did not.
    For a campaign
    A host-country campaign should stop treating the diaspora as an ethnic cell in the file; it is several behavioral cohorts, and the one reading the local press is the one your mail is reaching.
    For a government or institution
    For a government, the diaspora is an electorate it cannot afford to lose, reachable by cohort, in its own languages, with sentiment measurable rather than asserted — and the crisis desk is built in the quiet months.

    Ten million people who carry one country's story into five others are a constituency, whether or not anyone treats them as one. They vote in their host countries, send money home, shape how their homeland is described in the press of their new one, and move — quickly, and together — when something happens to it. Almost nobody models them as an electorate. Governments address them as a remittance line; host-country campaigns address them as an ethnic label, which is to say, hardly at all. This paper sets out what it took to treat a ten-million-person diaspora as a constituency across five countries during a period of acute volatility, and what the measurement showed.

    What a diaspora is, behaviorally

    A diaspora is defined by origin and lives by behavior. The first-generation professional in Manchester who watches homeland news nightly, the second-generation student in Toronto who reads the host-country press and learns of homeland events from her cousins' messages, the remittance sender in Sharjah whose transfers spike when a currency moves, the community institution member whose Friday attendance is the most reliable rhythm in her week — these are not one audience. They are cohorts, defined by what they attend to and act on, and they overlap across host countries more than they overlap within them: the remittance sender in Sydney behaves more like the remittance sender in Jersey City than like her neighbor.

    A ten-million-person diaspora by host country, rounded shares. Five markets carry more than nine in ten of the community, in three languages, across fourteen hours of the clock — which is the operating problem a desk exists to solve.

    The consequence is that a program cannot be organized by country. It is organized by cohort, with a country-specific channel plan for each: the same cohort is reached through homeland-language video in one market and through community leaders in another, because the platforms and the institutions differ while the people do not.

    The mandate

    The engagement was to stabilize sentiment toward homeland institutions across the community during a period in which events at home were fracturing it, to build channels between the community and those institutions that would outlast the crisis, and to stand up a capacity to answer incidents within hours across all five markets. The measurement design was the standard one: within each cohort in each market, a sealed holdout drawn before any activity, and sentiment measured against it monthly from a behavioral instrument rather than a survey — because the people most affected by a crisis are the least likely to answer a phone poll about it.

    Six behavioral cohorts of the diaspora and the channels through which each was reachable, as the share of the cohort matched in each channel across the five markets. Darker is more. The community leader column is the program's spine; the host-country press reaches the second generation and almost no one else.

    The work

    The community was segmented by behavior rather than origin, and reached through leaders identified market by market — faith and cultural institutions, professional associations, the community press — with the first two months spent building relationships rather than placing messages. Creative was produced in three languages from single masters, each variant carrying its disclosure and its sponsor. A crisis desk was stood up across the offices so that an incident at any hour had a team on its own business day, with pre-scored audiences, pre-built creative and validators identified in advance in every market.

    Favorable sentiment toward homeland institutions in treated markets and in the sealed holdout, monthly, through a crisis event in the fourth month. Both fell; the treated recovered within two months and continued to rise; the holdout did not recover. Illustrative shape drawn from the program's behavioral sentiment instrument.

    What it showed

    The crisis arrived in the fourth month and the holdout shows what it did unattended: a twelve-point fall in favorable sentiment that had not recovered six months later. Treated cohorts fell by less, recovered within two months, and finished the program eleven points above where they began — sixteen above the holdout. Durable channels were in place in all five markets at close, and the crisis desk, built for the program, has run through subsequent incidents for the institution itself.

    Registered, disclosed, described in public. Work for a foreign government or institution that touches the United States is registered before it begins; every placement in every market carried its sponsor; the program could be, and was, described to host-country authorities in full. A diaspora program that could not survive that description is not one we would run.

    Implications for governments and campaigns

    • For a government: the diaspora is an electorate you do not have to win but cannot afford to lose; it is reachable through its own institutions, by cohort, in its own languages, and its sentiment can be measured against a control rather than asserted.
    • For a host-country campaign: the diaspora is not an ethnic cell in the file. It is several behavioral cohorts, most of which the file cannot distinguish, and the one that reads the local press is the one your mail is reaching.
    • For both: the crisis is the program's exam. A desk that answers in two hours in five markets is built in the months when nothing is happening.

    Notes and references

    1. Program figures are from a Brushworks five-market diaspora engagement measured against sealed randomized holdouts within each cohort and market; the institution is held under agreement and the community is described by its size rather than its origin.
    2. Katz, E., and Lazarsfeld, P. F. (1955). Personal Influence. Free Press — the two-step flow through community leaders.
    3. Brushworks disclosures policy, §3 (foreign governments and foreign principals) and Brushworks Review WP-23, Two hours, five markets.
    Next paperThe Review

    Brief us.

    Tell us the race, the calendar and the margin. Within a week we will tell you whether we can move it and what it would take. Candidate work and independent-expenditure work are taken by separate teams; say which you are. Governments and institutions: tell us the mandate and the jurisdiction, and we will tell you what registration it requires before we say anything else.

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