Brushworks
Brief us

Political strategy and data, at human resolution

Elections are decided by people, not demographics. We work at that scale.

Brushworks is a political intelligence firm. We model how individual voters behave, determine what would move each of them, and put persuasion into the field with a standard of proof — across the United States and in the harder theaters abroad.

  1. 1. The file
  2. 2. Signals resolve
  3. 3. Deciders surface
  4. 4. A program in field
Plate IFour thousand people as the voter file sees them: identical rows, nothing to tell one from another.
500+contests, from presidential to school board, over a decade
96%won, across every level and both parties
$5B+approved in more than a hundred bond and levy measures
270M+American adults and households, resolved and behaviorally scored
12countries of institutional and diaspora work
7offices on a single 24-hour desk
The premise

Most campaigns still buy the electorate the way television networks sold it in 1985: by age, sex, county and party file. Those labels are easy to purchase and easy to defend in a budget meeting. They are also the reason two neighbors with identical demographics receive identical mail and vote in opposite directions.

People do not decide as categories. They decide as individuals, under pressure, with whatever they happened to pay attention to that month. That attention leaves traces — what someone reads, buys, searches, cancels, renews, drives past on the way to work. Read carefully and modeled properly, those traces describe a person far better than the file does: what they are anxious about, what they take pride in, whom they trust, and what they have quietly stopped believing.

Brushworks was built to work at that resolution. We do the research, the modeling, the message architecture and the delivery ourselves, through our own media seats, and we measure every program against a held-out control — so that what we report at the end is what actually happened.

What we doThe method, in five movements

Terrain, audience, message, delivery, proof.

The order matters. Nothing is built before the race is mapped; nothing is written before the deciders are named; nothing is reported that was not measured against a control.

Capabilities in full

  1. I

    Terrain

    Where the race will actually be decided: the precincts, the margin, the money coming against you, and the clock.

  2. II

    Audience

    Deciders identified by what they do rather than by label, and grouped by what would move them.

  3. III

    Message

    A narrative track for each group, built from the anxieties and hopes it already holds and sequenced for the persuasion arc.

  4. IV

    Delivery

    Three registers: precision paid media, organic advocacy, and the ambient campaign. All of it disclosed, all of it through our own seats.

  5. V

    Proof

    Randomized holdouts, daily measurement, and a publish gate no model passes without beating the baseline.

The human layerExhibit 1

One person, seventeen thousand signals.

Our view of the American electorate is assembled from roughly sixty-two billion observed behaviors, resolved to more than 270 million adults and their households, organized into a ten-thousand-topic dictionary, and scored by models trained on real outcomes rather than proxies.

No single signal is decisive. The pattern is. A subscription cancelled, a commute lengthened, a local news habit, a sudden interest in prescription prices — each is noise on its own and evidence together. The graph is rebuilt monthly, digital activity refreshed daily, and none of it touches ethnicity, religion or ideology, which we do not model.

Inside the human layer

Exhibit 1The active signal registry, drawn to scale by domain — roughly 17,000 signals, each line a family of observed behaviors. Ochre marks signals that entered a scored model this month. Grouping illustrative.
From the behavioral lexiconExhibit 2, composites, not individuals

A campaign speaks to millions. It persuades one at a time.

Every other vendor in politics starts from the voter file, because that is what there is to buy: age band, sex, party, precinct, vote history. It is enough to send mail. It is not enough to know what to say. We describe deciders as phenotypes — composite people assembled from thousands of behavioral neighbors — so that a strategist and a copywriter can hold an entire segment in mind as a single person, and so that the person receives a line that was written for her.

Exhibit 2The same voter, two ways. Left, everything the voter file knows about the Night Nurse. Right, what the human layer knows — signals color-coded by domain, six scores, and the track she was assigned. Composite; the file's fields are typical, the signals illustrative.
  • Behavior, not labels.

    Cohorts are built from what people do — sixty-two billion observed events — never from ethnicity, religion or party as a proxy for what they will do.

    The category default: age band, sex, party, precinct

  • Named, and written for.

    Each cohort is a person with a name, a narrative track and a register mix. Copy is written to her; the studio produces the variants; every one carries a disclosure.

    The category default: one message, three demographic cuts

  • Measured against a control.

    Every track is judged against a randomized holdout. A line that moves the Steward and suppresses the Pharmacist is caught in week two, not guessed at in November.

    The category default: a post-election poll

The Steward

n., first-ring suburb

Homeowner, twenty years at the same employer, runs the parish fish fry. Believes the deal has been broken by people who never had to keep one.

Reads as
Order, obligation, the fair deal
Moves on
Cost-of-living arithmetic told with respect, not alarm

"The people who wrote the last budget never had to keep one."

The Splitter

n., late-deciding

Has voted for both parties in the last four cycles and resents being told what she is. Decides in the final ten days, mostly on character.

Reads as
Independence
Moves on
The single credible detail, not the platform

"Two votes, two dates, on the record. Judge them yourself."

The Night Nurse

n., shift worker

Mid-career, watches the news on a phone between rounds, has no patience for anyone who has not done a hard job under pressure.

Reads as
Competence
Moves on
Proof that someone has carried weight and kept their head

"She ran a trauma floor for eleven years. You'll hear she has never run anything."

The Renter

n., downtown, under 35

Three employers on the résumé, a lease that resets every twelve months, and a commute that has quietly become the central fact of life.

Reads as
Momentum
Moves on
A candidate who names the rent and the commute in the first sentence

"Your lease resets in March. Your rent didn't ask permission."

The Pharmacist

n., exurban professional

Meticulous about sources, allergic to slogans, and will read the footnote if there is one. Trusts the messenger who shows the working.

Reads as
Skepticism
Moves on
The claim with its evidence attached

"Here is the ratio she wrote, the hospital that adopted it, and the audit that followed."

The Contractor

n., rural-exurban, self-employed

Runs a crew of four, bids every job against someone cheaper, and keeps his own books at the kitchen table on Sunday nights.

Reads as
Self-reliance
Moves on
The rule that cost him a week, named specifically

"Section 4 cost you a week in March. Here is who wrote it and who voted to repeal it."

Commerce Media Civic Household Health and work Bars show the signal domains that define each composite

The recordExhibits 3 to 5

Ninety-six in a hundred.

Across more than five hundred contests — presidential, gubernatorial, Senate and House, ballot measures, and over a hundred bond and levy elections — the programs we have designed have won ninety-six percent of the time, for candidates and causes across the spectrum. Client names are held under agreement. The methods and the margins are not.

Open the casebook

Exhibit 3Five hundred contests, one dot each. Ochre, won; bone, lost. Drawn from the firm's record across a decade; positions of the losses are schematic.
OfficeMethodNote
PresidentialHyper-localization of a national narrativeA 2016 national campaign; the message rewritten county by county for the places that decided it.
GubernatorialBehavioral targeting across three distinct strategiesThree competitive states, three different theories of the race, one measurement standard.
U.S. SenateThe neglect algorithmPersuadable voters both parties had stopped contacting, found and moved.
U.S. HouseGrassroots amplificationSmall-dollar and volunteer growth engineered from behavioral affinity, not lists.
Ballot measuresSimplifying complexityA 2022 California measure: 65 percent support at launch, 17.7 percent at the ballot.
Bonds and leviesConcrete, not abstractMore than a hundred measures; more than five billion dollars approved by voters raising their own taxes.
Committees and NGOsThe permanent campaignTrigger-based activation between cycles, so the audience is warm when it matters.
Exhibit 4The record, by office. Each method is a case in the casebook.
Exhibit 5Support for a 2022 California ballot measure. The launch figure is the campaign's baseline polling; the result is the official statewide vote of November 8, 2022 (17.7 percent yes). The intervening trajectory is drawn to scale between them. Program in field from the second month.
CasebookThree of nine

What the method did when it met a real race.

  • Simplifying complexity

    A California measure whose text ran to dozens of pages, at 65 percent support, defeated with 17.7 percent of the vote — one true sentence per voter.

  • The neglect algorithm

    The persuadable, likely voters both parties had stopped calling, found by cross-referencing contact history with receptivity.

  • Ten million, five countries

    A diaspora treated as the constituency it is, across the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, the UAE and Australia.

All nine cases

AbroadExhibit 6

The harder theaters.

The same discipline travels. Our people have run engagement, security and narrative programs for governments and institutions in the Gulf, South Asia, Southeast Asia and West Africa, and diaspora programs in five countries at once. Seven offices sit on a single desk, so a mandate in Riyadh and a race in Michigan are watched by someone who is awake.

Where we have worked

Diaspora as an electorate. A ten-million-person community spread across five countries is a constituency, whether or not anyone treats it as one. We do.

Featured readFrom the Brushworks Review
Also in the ReviewAll twenty-four papers
    The rules we work byFive things we will not do

    Five things we will not do.

    Written into every engagement letter, and the first page a donor's counsel or a ministry's compliance office is shown.

    I

    Target on identity

    We model behavior only. Ethnicity, religion and ideology are never modeled, never bought, and never accepted as a filter.

    So the Steward can be any color and any faith.

    II

    Hide the messenger

    Paid advocacy is labeled. We do not operate undisclosed personas or accounts, on any platform, in any language, for any client.

    So the second voice is a real one.

    III

    Report without a control

    Every program carries a randomized holdout sealed on day five, and every model beats a demographic and a look-alike baseline before it ships.

    So the number in the report is the number that happened.

    IV

    Cross a wall

    Independent-expenditure work is separated from candidate work by structure — teams, systems and seats. Foreign work is registered before it begins.

    So a donor's counsel can certify the posture, not take our word for it.

    V

    Run what we could not describe

    If a program could not be explained on the record, in public, in the client's name and ours, we do not run it. Mandates that fail the test are declined in writing.

    So there is nothing to find.

    WP-15 — Casebook

    Hyper-localization

    A national argument does not land the same way in a county that lost a plant and a county that gained one. Notes from a 2016 presidential program.

    By Adam SyedSeptember 2026Working paper

    Abstract. A national campaign has one argument and several hundred electorates that hear it differently. We describe the rewriting of a national narrative at the county level, in the vocabulary each place already used, and the measured difference in the counties that decided the map.

    In brief

    The finding
    Politics has nationalized and local news has thinned, leaving most counties with no voice saying the local thing; a campaign that says it — the plant, the crossing, the hospital — moves four to six points where national frames move one.
    For a campaign
    Find each county’s fact from what the county attends to, connect it truthfully to the choice at hand, deliver it in the county’s registers, and suppress it everywhere else.
    For a government or institution
    A national government speaking to regions faces the same opening: the message that names the region’s own fact is the only one not competing with everything else.

    A national argument does not land the same way in a county that lost a plant and a county that gained one. This should be obvious, and for most of a century it was unnecessary to say, because politics was local by default and campaigns spoke through local institutions. It is necessary to say now because politics has nationalized — the same frames, the same cable segments, the same social feeds in every county — and because the local press that once translated national arguments into local terms has thinned to the point of absence in much of the country. The consequence is an opening. A campaign that says the local thing is, in most places, the only voice saying it. This paper is drawn from a 2016 presidential program in which four counties in one state received four different campaigns.

    The nationalization of everything

    Hopkins' account of the increasingly united states documents the shift: voters now evaluate local and state candidates through national lenses, split-ticket voting has collapsed, and the issues that move a county race are the issues on cable that night. Over the same period local newsrooms lost a majority of their capacity — Hayes and Lawless show the shrinking of local coverage and its effect on engagement — so the institution that used to say "here is what this means for us" has, in many counties, stopped saying anything. The two trends together produce an electorate that hears a great deal about the nation and almost nothing about the county, from anyone.

    Two trends, indexed: local newsroom capacity falling and the share of political attention devoted to national frames rising, illustrative of the literature on nationalization and the local news decline. The gap between them is the space a hyper-local program occupies.

    Four counties, four campaigns

    In a 2016 presidential program the terrain brief identified four counties in one state where the margin arithmetic was decisive and the national frames were, on measurement, moving almost no one. Each county had a local fact that dominated its own attention: a plant that had closed, or was rumored to; a river crossing whose replacement had been promised for a decade; a hospital merger that had moved services forty minutes away; a school consolidation that had closed a town's high school. None of these was a presidential issue. Each was the thing the county's voters searched for, read about, and talked about at the diner, and each could be connected, truthfully, to a choice the national candidates had made or would make.

    The frame-by-county matrix from the program's test cells: the share of available lift each frame captured in each county, against holdouts. The local frame dominated its own county and did nothing elsewhere; the national frames did little anywhere. Illustrative; figures rounded.

    Each county received a program built around its fact: the plant in County A, the crossing in County B, the merger in County C, the consolidation in County D, each connected to the national choice in a single true sentence and delivered in the county's own registers — the local radio, the mail that names the road, the validator who works at the hospital, the out-of-home board at the crossing. The national frames ran alongside as a control condition in the second-month test and were then withdrawn from all four counties.

    Favorability lift at week eight by county, treated minus holdout, for the national frame and the county-specific frame. The national frame moved a point or less everywhere; the local frame moved four to six. Illustrative of the program's result; intervals in the proof report.

    Why the local frame works

    Three mechanisms, each with a literature. Relevance: a frame about the crossing the voter drives over daily is near, concrete and personal, and construal-level theory predicts it will be weighed more heavily than an abstract national one. Scarcity of voice: in a county with no local newsroom, the campaign that names the crossing is not competing with anyone for that frame; the national frames compete with everything. And credibility: a candidate who knows about the crossing is a candidate who has paid attention, and attention is the rarest signal in nationalized politics. Voters notice who noticed them.

    The behavioral method is what makes hyper-localization scalable. The county's fact is found from what the county attends to — searches, local-page reads, the topics that dominate its stream — not from a consultant's drive-through. A state has dozens of counties; the graph knows what each is reading about, and the plan can be local in all of them.

    Limits

    • The connection must be true. The crossing has to actually depend on the choice the frame names. A local frame that is a stretch is worse than a national one, because the county knows its own facts.
    • The fact must be the county's, not the consultant's. Behavior identifies it; a focus group of eight does not.
    • Local frames do not travel. The matrix is diagonal. The plan must suppress each county's frame everywhere else.
    • It is more expensive to produce and cheaper to place. Four campaigns cost more creative and less media; the studio's variant production is what makes the trade favorable.

    Notes and references

    1. Hopkins, D. J. (2018). The Increasingly United States: How and Why American Political Behavior Nationalized. University of Chicago Press.
    2. Hayes, D., and Lawless, J. L. (2021). News Hole: The Demise of Local Journalism and Political Engagement. Cambridge University Press.
    3. Abernathy, P. M. (2020). News Deserts and Ghost Newspapers: Will Local News Survive? UNC Hussman School of Journalism and Media.
    4. Trope, Y., and Liberman, N. (2010). Construal-level theory of psychological distance. Psychological Review, 117(2), 440–463.
    5. The program figures are from a 2016 presidential program in one state measured against county-level holdouts; counties and the candidate are held under agreement.
    Next paperThe Review

    Brief us.

    Tell us the race, the calendar and the margin. Within a week we will tell you whether we can move it and what it would take. Candidate work and independent-expenditure work are taken by separate teams; say which you are. Governments and institutions: tell us the mandate and the jurisdiction, and we will tell you what registration it requires before we say anything else.

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