Brushworks
Brief us

Political strategy and data, at human resolution

Elections are decided by people, not demographics. We work at that scale.

Brushworks is a political intelligence firm. We model how individual voters behave, determine what would move each of them, and put persuasion into the field with a standard of proof — across the United States and in the harder theaters abroad.

  1. 1. The file
  2. 2. Signals resolve
  3. 3. Deciders surface
  4. 4. A program in field
Plate IFour thousand people as the voter file sees them: identical rows, nothing to tell one from another.
500+contests, from presidential to school board, over a decade
96%won, across every level and both parties
$5B+approved in more than a hundred bond and levy measures
270M+American adults and households, resolved and behaviorally scored
12countries of institutional and diaspora work
7offices on a single 24-hour desk
The premise

Most campaigns still buy the electorate the way television networks sold it in 1985: by age, sex, county and party file. Those labels are easy to purchase and easy to defend in a budget meeting. They are also the reason two neighbors with identical demographics receive identical mail and vote in opposite directions.

People do not decide as categories. They decide as individuals, under pressure, with whatever they happened to pay attention to that month. That attention leaves traces — what someone reads, buys, searches, cancels, renews, drives past on the way to work. Read carefully and modeled properly, those traces describe a person far better than the file does: what they are anxious about, what they take pride in, whom they trust, and what they have quietly stopped believing.

Brushworks was built to work at that resolution. We do the research, the modeling, the message architecture and the delivery ourselves, through our own media seats, and we measure every program against a held-out control — so that what we report at the end is what actually happened.

What we doThe method, in five movements

Terrain, audience, message, delivery, proof.

The order matters. Nothing is built before the race is mapped; nothing is written before the deciders are named; nothing is reported that was not measured against a control.

Capabilities in full

  1. I

    Terrain

    Where the race will actually be decided: the precincts, the margin, the money coming against you, and the clock.

  2. II

    Audience

    Deciders identified by what they do rather than by label, and grouped by what would move them.

  3. III

    Message

    A narrative track for each group, built from the anxieties and hopes it already holds and sequenced for the persuasion arc.

  4. IV

    Delivery

    Three registers: precision paid media, organic advocacy, and the ambient campaign. All of it disclosed, all of it through our own seats.

  5. V

    Proof

    Randomized holdouts, daily measurement, and a publish gate no model passes without beating the baseline.

The human layerExhibit 1

One person, seventeen thousand signals.

Our view of the American electorate is assembled from roughly sixty-two billion observed behaviors, resolved to more than 270 million adults and their households, organized into a ten-thousand-topic dictionary, and scored by models trained on real outcomes rather than proxies.

No single signal is decisive. The pattern is. A subscription cancelled, a commute lengthened, a local news habit, a sudden interest in prescription prices — each is noise on its own and evidence together. The graph is rebuilt monthly, digital activity refreshed daily, and none of it touches ethnicity, religion or ideology, which we do not model.

Inside the human layer

Exhibit 1The active signal registry, drawn to scale by domain — roughly 17,000 signals, each line a family of observed behaviors. Ochre marks signals that entered a scored model this month. Grouping illustrative.
From the behavioral lexiconExhibit 2, composites, not individuals

A campaign speaks to millions. It persuades one at a time.

Every other vendor in politics starts from the voter file, because that is what there is to buy: age band, sex, party, precinct, vote history. It is enough to send mail. It is not enough to know what to say. We describe deciders as phenotypes — composite people assembled from thousands of behavioral neighbors — so that a strategist and a copywriter can hold an entire segment in mind as a single person, and so that the person receives a line that was written for her.

Exhibit 2The same voter, two ways. Left, everything the voter file knows about the Night Nurse. Right, what the human layer knows — signals color-coded by domain, six scores, and the track she was assigned. Composite; the file's fields are typical, the signals illustrative.
  • Behavior, not labels.

    Cohorts are built from what people do — sixty-two billion observed events — never from ethnicity, religion or party as a proxy for what they will do.

    The category default: age band, sex, party, precinct

  • Named, and written for.

    Each cohort is a person with a name, a narrative track and a register mix. Copy is written to her; the studio produces the variants; every one carries a disclosure.

    The category default: one message, three demographic cuts

  • Measured against a control.

    Every track is judged against a randomized holdout. A line that moves the Steward and suppresses the Pharmacist is caught in week two, not guessed at in November.

    The category default: a post-election poll

The Steward

n., first-ring suburb

Homeowner, twenty years at the same employer, runs the parish fish fry. Believes the deal has been broken by people who never had to keep one.

Reads as
Order, obligation, the fair deal
Moves on
Cost-of-living arithmetic told with respect, not alarm

"The people who wrote the last budget never had to keep one."

The Splitter

n., late-deciding

Has voted for both parties in the last four cycles and resents being told what she is. Decides in the final ten days, mostly on character.

Reads as
Independence
Moves on
The single credible detail, not the platform

"Two votes, two dates, on the record. Judge them yourself."

The Night Nurse

n., shift worker

Mid-career, watches the news on a phone between rounds, has no patience for anyone who has not done a hard job under pressure.

Reads as
Competence
Moves on
Proof that someone has carried weight and kept their head

"She ran a trauma floor for eleven years. You'll hear she has never run anything."

The Renter

n., downtown, under 35

Three employers on the résumé, a lease that resets every twelve months, and a commute that has quietly become the central fact of life.

Reads as
Momentum
Moves on
A candidate who names the rent and the commute in the first sentence

"Your lease resets in March. Your rent didn't ask permission."

The Pharmacist

n., exurban professional

Meticulous about sources, allergic to slogans, and will read the footnote if there is one. Trusts the messenger who shows the working.

Reads as
Skepticism
Moves on
The claim with its evidence attached

"Here is the ratio she wrote, the hospital that adopted it, and the audit that followed."

The Contractor

n., rural-exurban, self-employed

Runs a crew of four, bids every job against someone cheaper, and keeps his own books at the kitchen table on Sunday nights.

Reads as
Self-reliance
Moves on
The rule that cost him a week, named specifically

"Section 4 cost you a week in March. Here is who wrote it and who voted to repeal it."

Commerce Media Civic Household Health and work Bars show the signal domains that define each composite

The recordExhibits 3 to 5

Ninety-six in a hundred.

Across more than five hundred contests — presidential, gubernatorial, Senate and House, ballot measures, and over a hundred bond and levy elections — the programs we have designed have won ninety-six percent of the time, for candidates and causes across the spectrum. Client names are held under agreement. The methods and the margins are not.

Open the casebook

Exhibit 3Five hundred contests, one dot each. Ochre, won; bone, lost. Drawn from the firm's record across a decade; positions of the losses are schematic.
OfficeMethodNote
PresidentialHyper-localization of a national narrativeA 2016 national campaign; the message rewritten county by county for the places that decided it.
GubernatorialBehavioral targeting across three distinct strategiesThree competitive states, three different theories of the race, one measurement standard.
U.S. SenateThe neglect algorithmPersuadable voters both parties had stopped contacting, found and moved.
U.S. HouseGrassroots amplificationSmall-dollar and volunteer growth engineered from behavioral affinity, not lists.
Ballot measuresSimplifying complexityA 2022 California measure: 65 percent support at launch, 17.7 percent at the ballot.
Bonds and leviesConcrete, not abstractMore than a hundred measures; more than five billion dollars approved by voters raising their own taxes.
Committees and NGOsThe permanent campaignTrigger-based activation between cycles, so the audience is warm when it matters.
Exhibit 4The record, by office. Each method is a case in the casebook.
Exhibit 5Support for a 2022 California ballot measure. The launch figure is the campaign's baseline polling; the result is the official statewide vote of November 8, 2022 (17.7 percent yes). The intervening trajectory is drawn to scale between them. Program in field from the second month.
CasebookThree of nine

What the method did when it met a real race.

  • Simplifying complexity

    A California measure whose text ran to dozens of pages, at 65 percent support, defeated with 17.7 percent of the vote — one true sentence per voter.

  • The neglect algorithm

    The persuadable, likely voters both parties had stopped calling, found by cross-referencing contact history with receptivity.

  • Ten million, five countries

    A diaspora treated as the constituency it is, across the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, the UAE and Australia.

All nine cases

AbroadExhibit 6

The harder theaters.

The same discipline travels. Our people have run engagement, security and narrative programs for governments and institutions in the Gulf, South Asia, Southeast Asia and West Africa, and diaspora programs in five countries at once. Seven offices sit on a single desk, so a mandate in Riyadh and a race in Michigan are watched by someone who is awake.

Where we have worked

Diaspora as an electorate. A ten-million-person community spread across five countries is a constituency, whether or not anyone treats it as one. We do.

Featured readFrom the Brushworks Review
Also in the ReviewAll twenty-four papers
    The rules we work byFive things we will not do

    Five things we will not do.

    Written into every engagement letter, and the first page a donor's counsel or a ministry's compliance office is shown.

    I

    Target on identity

    We model behavior only. Ethnicity, religion and ideology are never modeled, never bought, and never accepted as a filter.

    So the Steward can be any color and any faith.

    II

    Hide the messenger

    Paid advocacy is labeled. We do not operate undisclosed personas or accounts, on any platform, in any language, for any client.

    So the second voice is a real one.

    III

    Report without a control

    Every program carries a randomized holdout sealed on day five, and every model beats a demographic and a look-alike baseline before it ships.

    So the number in the report is the number that happened.

    IV

    Cross a wall

    Independent-expenditure work is separated from candidate work by structure — teams, systems and seats. Foreign work is registered before it begins.

    So a donor's counsel can certify the posture, not take our word for it.

    V

    Run what we could not describe

    If a program could not be explained on the record, in public, in the client's name and ours, we do not run it. Mandates that fail the test are declined in writing.

    So there is nothing to find.

    WP-04 — Doctrine

    Inoculation at scale

    McGuire’s theory, sixty years on: the attack you answer before it lands is the only attack that doesn’t.

    By Brushworks research deskSeptember 2026Working paper

    Abstract. Inoculation theory predicts that a weakened dose of an argument, delivered with its rebuttal, confers resistance to the full version. We report its use as the third step of a seven-step narrative arc in statewide programs, the timing at which it works, and the measured difference against a holdout that heard the attack cold.

    In brief

    The finding
    A weakened dose of the attack that is coming, with its refutation, delivered a week early to the cohorts it would land in, leaves the attack costing nothing; a strong dose backfires and a late dose is a rebuttal.
    For a campaign
    Forecast the attack from the record, write the dose in each cohort’s register, deliver it a week ahead, and hold out to know whether it worked.
    For a government or institution
    Institutions facing a foreseeable narrative — a report, a ruling, a hostile campaign — can inoculate their publics in advance; the discipline is the forecast and the control.

    William McGuire's insight, sixty years ago, was that beliefs behave like bodies: a belief that has never met an argument against it has no defenses, and the way to give it defenses is to expose it, early, to a weakened form of the attack together with the means to refute it. The finding has survived six decades of replication in the laboratory and a recent revival in the study of misinformation. What it has never had, until the last few cycles, is a delivery system that could administer the dose to the right person, in the right register, before the attack arrives. This paper is about that system.

    What the theory says, and what it does not

    Inoculation theory has two components and both matter. The threat component warns the person that her position will be challenged — that a persuasive attack is coming — and the warning itself raises motivation to defend. The refutational preemption component presents a weakened version of the attack and refutes it, which supplies the material for the defense. Banas and Rains' meta-analysis of the laboratory literature found a moderate, reliable effect of inoculation on resistance to subsequent persuasion; Compton's reviews extend the finding across health, commercial and political domains; and the "prebunking" work of van der Linden, Roozenbeek and colleagues has shown the mechanism operating against manipulative techniques rather than specific claims, and at scale, through short games and videos.

    What the theory does not say is that any warning works. The dose must be weak enough not to persuade and strong enough to be recognized when the real attack arrives; the refutation must be one the person can reproduce; the timing must leave an interval for the defense to consolidate but not so long that it decays. Laboratory work suggests that resistance can strengthen over the days after a dose and erodes over the following weeks without reinforcement. These are the parameters a campaign has to get right, for each cohort, at scale, and they are the parameters a broadcast campaign cannot get right for anyone in particular.

    Forecasting the attack

    An inoculation is useless against an attack that never comes and wasteful against one nobody believes. The first task is a forecast. It is drawn from four sources: the opposition research the opponent is likely to have, read from the public record; the opponent's committee filings and reserved media, which time the attack; the lines the opponent's consultants have used in comparable races; and the cohort's own receptivity — which attack each cohort would find credible, modeled from what it is listening for. The forecast produces a short list, rarely more than three lines, each with a cohort it would land in and a week it is likely to land.

    Where inoculation sits in the seven-step narrative track. It follows concern and precedes proof, in the week before the forecast attack — a weakened dose, the refutation attached, delivered to the cohorts the attack would land in and to no one else.

    Dose, register, timing

    The dose is written as the attack would be written by a fair-minded version of the opponent — never as a straw man, which fails on contact with the real thing — and the refutation is the single fact the cohort can hold. For the Night Nurse the attack "she has never run anything" is answered with eleven years running a trauma floor, in mobile video, on shift nights; for the Steward the attack "the tax plan" is answered with what the plan does to a household like his, in mail, on the weekend he reads it. The register is the cohort's own; an inoculation delivered where the person is not listening does nothing, and a strong dose delivered as a headline does harm.

    Post-attack favorability lift at week five by inoculation design, treated minus holdout, from a statewide program's second-month test. Refutation alone helped; a weak dose with refutation a week before the attack helped most; a strong dose backfired — it persuaded. Illustrative of the pattern; the program report carries the intervals.

    What the holdout saw

    In a statewide general-election program the forecast placed an attack on the candidate's experience in week three. The inoculation ran in week two to the two cohorts the forecast identified, and the attack landed on schedule, on the opponent's reserved time, in the expected line. The sealed holdout — never contacted — shows what the attack did on its own: favorability fell two points and did not recover. Treated voters who received the program without the inoculation fell nearly as far and recovered slowly. Treated voters who received the inoculation dipped by less than a point and were seven points above the holdout by week seven. The attack cost the campaign nothing it had prepared for.

    Favorability by week among inoculated voters, voters treated without inoculation, and the sealed holdout, in a statewide program where the forecast attack landed in week three. The inoculated line barely registers the attack. Illustrative shape drawn from the program's measurement; intervals in the client report.
    Why scale is the hard part. The laboratory delivers one dose to one subject. A campaign must forecast the attack, choose the cohorts, write a dose and refutation in each cohort's register, time it a week ahead of an event it does not control, and measure whether it worked. Each step is ordinary. Doing all of them for six cohorts in two weeks is what the platform is for.

    Where inoculation fails

    • Against a true attack with no refutation. Inoculation supplies a defense; it cannot supply a fact that does not exist. The forecast should say when the right answer is to concede and reframe.
    • When the dose persuades. A strong dose is the attack, delivered early, by the candidate's own campaign. The second-month test exists to find the line.
    • When it arrives late. An inoculation the day the attack lands is a rebuttal, and rebuttals reach people who have already updated.
    • When it is broadcast. The cohort that was never going to hear the attack now has, from you.

    McGuire's metaphor was medical, and the discipline it implies is medical too: a forecast, a dose, a schedule and a control. The campaigns that get it right are not braver than the others. They are earlier.

    Notes and references

    1. McGuire, W. J. (1961). Resistance to persuasion conferred by active and passive prior refutation of the same and alternative counterarguments. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 63(2), 326–332; and McGuire, W. J. (1964). Inducing resistance to persuasion. In Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, vol. 1.
    2. Banas, J. A., and Rains, S. A. (2010). A meta-analysis of research on inoculation theory. Communication Monographs, 77(3), 281–311.
    3. Compton, J. (2013). Inoculation theory. In Dillard, J. P., and Shen, L. (eds.), The SAGE Handbook of Persuasion, 2nd ed.
    4. Roozenbeek, J., van der Linden, S., et al. (2022). Psychological inoculation improves resilience against misinformation on social media. Science Advances, 8(34).
    5. Lewandowsky, S., and van der Linden, S. (2021). Countering misinformation and fake news through inoculation and prebunking. European Review of Social Psychology, 32(2), 348–384.
    6. Program figures are from a Brushworks statewide general-election program measured against a sealed randomized holdout; cohort names are composites from the behavioral lexicon.
    Next paperThe Review

    Brief us.

    Tell us the race, the calendar and the margin. Within a week we will tell you whether we can move it and what it would take. Candidate work and independent-expenditure work are taken by separate teams; say which you are. Governments and institutions: tell us the mandate and the jurisdiction, and we will tell you what registration it requires before we say anything else.

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