Brushworks
Brief us

Political strategy and data, at human resolution

Elections are decided by people, not demographics. We work at that scale.

Brushworks is a political intelligence firm. We model how individual voters behave, determine what would move each of them, and put persuasion into the field with a standard of proof — across the United States and in the harder theaters abroad.

  1. 1. The file
  2. 2. Signals resolve
  3. 3. Deciders surface
  4. 4. A program in field
Plate IFour thousand people as the voter file sees them: identical rows, nothing to tell one from another.
500+contests, from presidential to school board, over a decade
96%won, across every level and both parties
$5B+approved in more than a hundred bond and levy measures
270M+American adults and households, resolved and behaviorally scored
12countries of institutional and diaspora work
7offices on a single 24-hour desk
The premise

Most campaigns still buy the electorate the way television networks sold it in 1985: by age, sex, county and party file. Those labels are easy to purchase and easy to defend in a budget meeting. They are also the reason two neighbors with identical demographics receive identical mail and vote in opposite directions.

People do not decide as categories. They decide as individuals, under pressure, with whatever they happened to pay attention to that month. That attention leaves traces — what someone reads, buys, searches, cancels, renews, drives past on the way to work. Read carefully and modeled properly, those traces describe a person far better than the file does: what they are anxious about, what they take pride in, whom they trust, and what they have quietly stopped believing.

Brushworks was built to work at that resolution. We do the research, the modeling, the message architecture and the delivery ourselves, through our own media seats, and we measure every program against a held-out control — so that what we report at the end is what actually happened.

What we doThe method, in five movements

Terrain, audience, message, delivery, proof.

The order matters. Nothing is built before the race is mapped; nothing is written before the deciders are named; nothing is reported that was not measured against a control.

Capabilities in full

  1. I

    Terrain

    Where the race will actually be decided: the precincts, the margin, the money coming against you, and the clock.

  2. II

    Audience

    Deciders identified by what they do rather than by label, and grouped by what would move them.

  3. III

    Message

    A narrative track for each group, built from the anxieties and hopes it already holds and sequenced for the persuasion arc.

  4. IV

    Delivery

    Three registers: precision paid media, organic advocacy, and the ambient campaign. All of it disclosed, all of it through our own seats.

  5. V

    Proof

    Randomized holdouts, daily measurement, and a publish gate no model passes without beating the baseline.

The human layerExhibit 1

One person, seventeen thousand signals.

Our view of the American electorate is assembled from roughly sixty-two billion observed behaviors, resolved to more than 270 million adults and their households, organized into a ten-thousand-topic dictionary, and scored by models trained on real outcomes rather than proxies.

No single signal is decisive. The pattern is. A subscription cancelled, a commute lengthened, a local news habit, a sudden interest in prescription prices — each is noise on its own and evidence together. The graph is rebuilt monthly, digital activity refreshed daily, and none of it touches ethnicity, religion or ideology, which we do not model.

Inside the human layer

Exhibit 1The active signal registry, drawn to scale by domain — roughly 17,000 signals, each line a family of observed behaviors. Ochre marks signals that entered a scored model this month. Grouping illustrative.
From the behavioral lexiconExhibit 2, composites, not individuals

A campaign speaks to millions. It persuades one at a time.

Every other vendor in politics starts from the voter file, because that is what there is to buy: age band, sex, party, precinct, vote history. It is enough to send mail. It is not enough to know what to say. We describe deciders as phenotypes — composite people assembled from thousands of behavioral neighbors — so that a strategist and a copywriter can hold an entire segment in mind as a single person, and so that the person receives a line that was written for her.

Exhibit 2The same voter, two ways. Left, everything the voter file knows about the Night Nurse. Right, what the human layer knows — signals color-coded by domain, six scores, and the track she was assigned. Composite; the file's fields are typical, the signals illustrative.
  • Behavior, not labels.

    Cohorts are built from what people do — sixty-two billion observed events — never from ethnicity, religion or party as a proxy for what they will do.

    The category default: age band, sex, party, precinct

  • Named, and written for.

    Each cohort is a person with a name, a narrative track and a register mix. Copy is written to her; the studio produces the variants; every one carries a disclosure.

    The category default: one message, three demographic cuts

  • Measured against a control.

    Every track is judged against a randomized holdout. A line that moves the Steward and suppresses the Pharmacist is caught in week two, not guessed at in November.

    The category default: a post-election poll

The Steward

n., first-ring suburb

Homeowner, twenty years at the same employer, runs the parish fish fry. Believes the deal has been broken by people who never had to keep one.

Reads as
Order, obligation, the fair deal
Moves on
Cost-of-living arithmetic told with respect, not alarm

"The people who wrote the last budget never had to keep one."

The Splitter

n., late-deciding

Has voted for both parties in the last four cycles and resents being told what she is. Decides in the final ten days, mostly on character.

Reads as
Independence
Moves on
The single credible detail, not the platform

"Two votes, two dates, on the record. Judge them yourself."

The Night Nurse

n., shift worker

Mid-career, watches the news on a phone between rounds, has no patience for anyone who has not done a hard job under pressure.

Reads as
Competence
Moves on
Proof that someone has carried weight and kept their head

"She ran a trauma floor for eleven years. You'll hear she has never run anything."

The Renter

n., downtown, under 35

Three employers on the résumé, a lease that resets every twelve months, and a commute that has quietly become the central fact of life.

Reads as
Momentum
Moves on
A candidate who names the rent and the commute in the first sentence

"Your lease resets in March. Your rent didn't ask permission."

The Pharmacist

n., exurban professional

Meticulous about sources, allergic to slogans, and will read the footnote if there is one. Trusts the messenger who shows the working.

Reads as
Skepticism
Moves on
The claim with its evidence attached

"Here is the ratio she wrote, the hospital that adopted it, and the audit that followed."

The Contractor

n., rural-exurban, self-employed

Runs a crew of four, bids every job against someone cheaper, and keeps his own books at the kitchen table on Sunday nights.

Reads as
Self-reliance
Moves on
The rule that cost him a week, named specifically

"Section 4 cost you a week in March. Here is who wrote it and who voted to repeal it."

Commerce Media Civic Household Health and work Bars show the signal domains that define each composite

The recordExhibits 3 to 5

Ninety-six in a hundred.

Across more than five hundred contests — presidential, gubernatorial, Senate and House, ballot measures, and over a hundred bond and levy elections — the programs we have designed have won ninety-six percent of the time, for candidates and causes across the spectrum. Client names are held under agreement. The methods and the margins are not.

Open the casebook

Exhibit 3Five hundred contests, one dot each. Ochre, won; bone, lost. Drawn from the firm's record across a decade; positions of the losses are schematic.
OfficeMethodNote
PresidentialHyper-localization of a national narrativeA 2016 national campaign; the message rewritten county by county for the places that decided it.
GubernatorialBehavioral targeting across three distinct strategiesThree competitive states, three different theories of the race, one measurement standard.
U.S. SenateThe neglect algorithmPersuadable voters both parties had stopped contacting, found and moved.
U.S. HouseGrassroots amplificationSmall-dollar and volunteer growth engineered from behavioral affinity, not lists.
Ballot measuresSimplifying complexityA 2022 California measure: 65 percent support at launch, 17.7 percent at the ballot.
Bonds and leviesConcrete, not abstractMore than a hundred measures; more than five billion dollars approved by voters raising their own taxes.
Committees and NGOsThe permanent campaignTrigger-based activation between cycles, so the audience is warm when it matters.
Exhibit 4The record, by office. Each method is a case in the casebook.
Exhibit 5Support for a 2022 California ballot measure. The launch figure is the campaign's baseline polling; the result is the official statewide vote of November 8, 2022 (17.7 percent yes). The intervening trajectory is drawn to scale between them. Program in field from the second month.
CasebookThree of nine

What the method did when it met a real race.

  • Simplifying complexity

    A California measure whose text ran to dozens of pages, at 65 percent support, defeated with 17.7 percent of the vote — one true sentence per voter.

  • The neglect algorithm

    The persuadable, likely voters both parties had stopped calling, found by cross-referencing contact history with receptivity.

  • Ten million, five countries

    A diaspora treated as the constituency it is, across the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, the UAE and Australia.

All nine cases

AbroadExhibit 6

The harder theaters.

The same discipline travels. Our people have run engagement, security and narrative programs for governments and institutions in the Gulf, South Asia, Southeast Asia and West Africa, and diaspora programs in five countries at once. Seven offices sit on a single desk, so a mandate in Riyadh and a race in Michigan are watched by someone who is awake.

Where we have worked

Diaspora as an electorate. A ten-million-person community spread across five countries is a constituency, whether or not anyone treats it as one. We do.

Featured readFrom the Brushworks Review
Also in the ReviewAll twenty-four papers
    The rules we work byFive things we will not do

    Five things we will not do.

    Written into every engagement letter, and the first page a donor's counsel or a ministry's compliance office is shown.

    I

    Target on identity

    We model behavior only. Ethnicity, religion and ideology are never modeled, never bought, and never accepted as a filter.

    So the Steward can be any color and any faith.

    II

    Hide the messenger

    Paid advocacy is labeled. We do not operate undisclosed personas or accounts, on any platform, in any language, for any client.

    So the second voice is a real one.

    III

    Report without a control

    Every program carries a randomized holdout sealed on day five, and every model beats a demographic and a look-alike baseline before it ships.

    So the number in the report is the number that happened.

    IV

    Cross a wall

    Independent-expenditure work is separated from candidate work by structure — teams, systems and seats. Foreign work is registered before it begins.

    So a donor's counsel can certify the posture, not take our word for it.

    V

    Run what we could not describe

    If a program could not be explained on the record, in public, in the client's name and ours, we do not run it. Mandates that fail the test are declined in writing.

    So there is nothing to find.

    WP-20 — Measurement

    The kill log

    The models we did not ship, and why publishing that list is the most credible thing a data firm can do.

    By Adam SyedSeptember 2026Working paper

    Abstract. A model catalog is only as honest as the list of what it rejected. We publish, in aggregate, a year of models retired at the publish gate or in field — the reasons, the baselines they failed, the drift that killed them — and argue that the kill log, not the win rate, is the number a buyer should ask for.

    In brief

    The finding
    A model catalog is only as honest as the list of what it rejected; the kill log — what was tested, against which baselines, and why it failed — is the model catalog’s pre-registration, and the number a buyer should ask for instead of a win rate.
    For a campaign
    Ask how many models were tested and how many shipped, what the baselines were, what the kill threshold in field is, and which models died for proxy reconstruction.
    For a government or institution
    Institutions procuring analytics should require a kill log as a deliverable; its absence means the vendor has never tested a model it wanted to keep.

    A model catalog is only as honest as the list of what it rejected. Every data firm shows a buyer the models that worked; almost none will show the ones that did not, and the omission is not a small one, because the rejected list is where the firm's standards are visible. This paper publishes, in aggregate, a year of models retired at the publish gate or in field — the reasons, the baselines they failed, the drift that killed them — and argues that the kill log, not the win rate, is the number a buyer should ask for.

    Why a kill log exists

    The methodological sciences learned the lesson the hard way. The file-drawer problem — Rosenthal's phrase for the studies that were run, failed and never reported — inflates every published effect; pre-registration and the reporting of null results were the remedies, and the fields that adopted them became more reliable. A model catalog has the same problem in a commercial form: a vendor that trains a hundred models and reports the twelve that worked is describing a selection, not a method, and a buyer who sees only the twelve cannot tell a good method from a lucky one. The kill log is the model catalog's pre-registration. It records what was tried, what the test was, and what failed.

    The gate, and what it killed

    Every candidate model faces the same test: on the client's own sealed holdout, it must beat a demographic baseline — the voter file used as well as a good consultant would use it — and a look-alike baseline — the delivery platforms' own targeting. In a representative year of the kind the annual summary reports, eighty-four candidates were tested. Forty-nine beat the file; forty-one beat the look-alike; thirty-four beat both and shipped. Seven of the thirty-four were later killed in field on drift. The gate is not a formality; it rejects most of what is put through it, and the models that ship are the survivors of a test designed to fail them.

    Candidate models in a representative year by outcome at the gate, aggregate across programs. Fewer than half of candidates ship; a fifth of those are later killed in field. A catalog that ships everything it trains has no gate. Illustrative of the gate's proportions; the audited counts are published in the annual kill-log summary.

    Reasons for death

    The log records why. Most deaths are at the gate: the candidate could not beat the file, which means the behavior it used added nothing the public record did not already say for that outcome — a finding we report to the client as such, and use the file. Some beat the file and not the platforms' targeting, which is a humbling result and a useful one. A smaller number beat both and drifted: the world the model was trained on stopped resembling the world it was scoring, usually because a program's own activity changed the behavior it was watching. Three in the year were killed for reconstructing an excluded attribute — the model had found a path to ethnicity, religion or ideology through behavior, which the policy forbids and the performance did not justify. And a handful were killed for predicting only in the program they were trained on: the cardinal sin of a model that has memorized rather than learned.

    Models retired in a representative year, by reason. Most die at the gate; the ones that die in field die on drift; a few die for finding an attribute the registry excludes — which is what the test for proxy reconstruction is for. Illustrative proportions; audited counts in the annual summary.
    What the client receives. Every program's proof report carries its own kill log: the models tested for that program, the baselines, the results, the reasons for each retirement, and the model of record that shipped. The aggregate above is the year's logs, summed. The client's log is specific and it is the client's property.

    Drift, and the discipline of watching

    A model that ships is not finished; it is watched. Discrimination in field is measured daily against the holdout, and a kill threshold is set before the program starts — a level below which the model is retired and the cohort is scored by the next-best model or by the file. Drift is not failure in the sense that the gate measures failure; it is the ordinary consequence of a program changing the world it is scoring, and the discipline is to notice it in week six rather than at close.

    A shipped model's discrimination in field against the kill threshold set before the program. It drifted below the line in week six and was retired and logged; the cohort was scored by the next model for the remaining weeks. Illustrative of the pattern.

    What a buyer should ask

    • How many models did you test, and how many shipped? A ratio near one is a catalog without a gate.
    • What were the baselines? If the answer is "we compared to no targeting," the bar was on the floor.
    • Show me the kill log for a comparable program. The reasons are more informative than the wins.
    • What is the kill threshold in field, and who watches it? A model nobody is watching is a model that will drift unnoticed.
    • Which models were killed for proxy reconstruction? If none, ask whether the test exists.

    Notes and references

    1. Rosenthal, R. (1979). The file drawer problem and tolerance for null results. Psychological Bulletin, 86(3), 638–641.
    2. Nosek, B. A., et al. (2018). The preregistration revolution. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 115(11), 2600–2606.
    3. Mitchell, M., et al. (2019). Model cards for model reporting. Proceedings of FAT* 2019, 220–229.
    4. Rabanser, S., Günnemann, S., and Lipton, Z. (2019). Failing loudly: an empirical study of methods for detecting dataset shift. NeurIPS 2019 — on drift detection.
    5. The counts in this paper are illustrative of a year's gate activity and its proportions; audited aggregate counts are published each year in the firm's kill-log summary, and program-level logs are delivered to clients and held under agreement.
    Next paperThe Review

    Brief us.

    Tell us the race, the calendar and the margin. Within a week we will tell you whether we can move it and what it would take. Candidate work and independent-expenditure work are taken by separate teams; say which you are. Governments and institutions: tell us the mandate and the jurisdiction, and we will tell you what registration it requires before we say anything else.

    Send a brief

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