Brushworks
Brief us

Political strategy and data, at human resolution

Elections are decided by people, not demographics. We work at that scale.

Brushworks is a political intelligence firm. We model how individual voters behave, determine what would move each of them, and put persuasion into the field with a standard of proof — across the United States and in the harder theaters abroad.

  1. 1. The file
  2. 2. Signals resolve
  3. 3. Deciders surface
  4. 4. A program in field
Plate IFour thousand people as the voter file sees them: identical rows, nothing to tell one from another.
500+contests, from presidential to school board, over a decade
96%won, across every level and both parties
$5B+approved in more than a hundred bond and levy measures
270M+American adults and households, resolved and behaviorally scored
12countries of institutional and diaspora work
7offices on a single 24-hour desk
The premise

Most campaigns still buy the electorate the way television networks sold it in 1985: by age, sex, county and party file. Those labels are easy to purchase and easy to defend in a budget meeting. They are also the reason two neighbors with identical demographics receive identical mail and vote in opposite directions.

People do not decide as categories. They decide as individuals, under pressure, with whatever they happened to pay attention to that month. That attention leaves traces — what someone reads, buys, searches, cancels, renews, drives past on the way to work. Read carefully and modeled properly, those traces describe a person far better than the file does: what they are anxious about, what they take pride in, whom they trust, and what they have quietly stopped believing.

Brushworks was built to work at that resolution. We do the research, the modeling, the message architecture and the delivery ourselves, through our own media seats, and we measure every program against a held-out control — so that what we report at the end is what actually happened.

What we doThe method, in five movements

Terrain, audience, message, delivery, proof.

The order matters. Nothing is built before the race is mapped; nothing is written before the deciders are named; nothing is reported that was not measured against a control.

Capabilities in full

  1. I

    Terrain

    Where the race will actually be decided: the precincts, the margin, the money coming against you, and the clock.

  2. II

    Audience

    Deciders identified by what they do rather than by label, and grouped by what would move them.

  3. III

    Message

    A narrative track for each group, built from the anxieties and hopes it already holds and sequenced for the persuasion arc.

  4. IV

    Delivery

    Three registers: precision paid media, organic advocacy, and the ambient campaign. All of it disclosed, all of it through our own seats.

  5. V

    Proof

    Randomized holdouts, daily measurement, and a publish gate no model passes without beating the baseline.

The human layerExhibit 1

One person, seventeen thousand signals.

Our view of the American electorate is assembled from roughly sixty-two billion observed behaviors, resolved to more than 270 million adults and their households, organized into a ten-thousand-topic dictionary, and scored by models trained on real outcomes rather than proxies.

No single signal is decisive. The pattern is. A subscription cancelled, a commute lengthened, a local news habit, a sudden interest in prescription prices — each is noise on its own and evidence together. The graph is rebuilt monthly, digital activity refreshed daily, and none of it touches ethnicity, religion or ideology, which we do not model.

Inside the human layer

Exhibit 1The active signal registry, drawn to scale by domain — roughly 17,000 signals, each line a family of observed behaviors. Ochre marks signals that entered a scored model this month. Grouping illustrative.
From the behavioral lexiconExhibit 2, composites, not individuals

A campaign speaks to millions. It persuades one at a time.

Every other vendor in politics starts from the voter file, because that is what there is to buy: age band, sex, party, precinct, vote history. It is enough to send mail. It is not enough to know what to say. We describe deciders as phenotypes — composite people assembled from thousands of behavioral neighbors — so that a strategist and a copywriter can hold an entire segment in mind as a single person, and so that the person receives a line that was written for her.

Exhibit 2The same voter, two ways. Left, everything the voter file knows about the Night Nurse. Right, what the human layer knows — signals color-coded by domain, six scores, and the track she was assigned. Composite; the file's fields are typical, the signals illustrative.
  • Behavior, not labels.

    Cohorts are built from what people do — sixty-two billion observed events — never from ethnicity, religion or party as a proxy for what they will do.

    The category default: age band, sex, party, precinct

  • Named, and written for.

    Each cohort is a person with a name, a narrative track and a register mix. Copy is written to her; the studio produces the variants; every one carries a disclosure.

    The category default: one message, three demographic cuts

  • Measured against a control.

    Every track is judged against a randomized holdout. A line that moves the Steward and suppresses the Pharmacist is caught in week two, not guessed at in November.

    The category default: a post-election poll

The Steward

n., first-ring suburb

Homeowner, twenty years at the same employer, runs the parish fish fry. Believes the deal has been broken by people who never had to keep one.

Reads as
Order, obligation, the fair deal
Moves on
Cost-of-living arithmetic told with respect, not alarm

"The people who wrote the last budget never had to keep one."

The Splitter

n., late-deciding

Has voted for both parties in the last four cycles and resents being told what she is. Decides in the final ten days, mostly on character.

Reads as
Independence
Moves on
The single credible detail, not the platform

"Two votes, two dates, on the record. Judge them yourself."

The Night Nurse

n., shift worker

Mid-career, watches the news on a phone between rounds, has no patience for anyone who has not done a hard job under pressure.

Reads as
Competence
Moves on
Proof that someone has carried weight and kept their head

"She ran a trauma floor for eleven years. You'll hear she has never run anything."

The Renter

n., downtown, under 35

Three employers on the résumé, a lease that resets every twelve months, and a commute that has quietly become the central fact of life.

Reads as
Momentum
Moves on
A candidate who names the rent and the commute in the first sentence

"Your lease resets in March. Your rent didn't ask permission."

The Pharmacist

n., exurban professional

Meticulous about sources, allergic to slogans, and will read the footnote if there is one. Trusts the messenger who shows the working.

Reads as
Skepticism
Moves on
The claim with its evidence attached

"Here is the ratio she wrote, the hospital that adopted it, and the audit that followed."

The Contractor

n., rural-exurban, self-employed

Runs a crew of four, bids every job against someone cheaper, and keeps his own books at the kitchen table on Sunday nights.

Reads as
Self-reliance
Moves on
The rule that cost him a week, named specifically

"Section 4 cost you a week in March. Here is who wrote it and who voted to repeal it."

Commerce Media Civic Household Health and work Bars show the signal domains that define each composite

The recordExhibits 3 to 5

Ninety-six in a hundred.

Across more than five hundred contests — presidential, gubernatorial, Senate and House, ballot measures, and over a hundred bond and levy elections — the programs we have designed have won ninety-six percent of the time, for candidates and causes across the spectrum. Client names are held under agreement. The methods and the margins are not.

Open the casebook

Exhibit 3Five hundred contests, one dot each. Ochre, won; bone, lost. Drawn from the firm's record across a decade; positions of the losses are schematic.
OfficeMethodNote
PresidentialHyper-localization of a national narrativeA 2016 national campaign; the message rewritten county by county for the places that decided it.
GubernatorialBehavioral targeting across three distinct strategiesThree competitive states, three different theories of the race, one measurement standard.
U.S. SenateThe neglect algorithmPersuadable voters both parties had stopped contacting, found and moved.
U.S. HouseGrassroots amplificationSmall-dollar and volunteer growth engineered from behavioral affinity, not lists.
Ballot measuresSimplifying complexityA 2022 California measure: 65 percent support at launch, 17.7 percent at the ballot.
Bonds and leviesConcrete, not abstractMore than a hundred measures; more than five billion dollars approved by voters raising their own taxes.
Committees and NGOsThe permanent campaignTrigger-based activation between cycles, so the audience is warm when it matters.
Exhibit 4The record, by office. Each method is a case in the casebook.
Exhibit 5Support for a 2022 California ballot measure. The launch figure is the campaign's baseline polling; the result is the official statewide vote of November 8, 2022 (17.7 percent yes). The intervening trajectory is drawn to scale between them. Program in field from the second month.
CasebookThree of nine

What the method did when it met a real race.

  • Simplifying complexity

    A California measure whose text ran to dozens of pages, at 65 percent support, defeated with 17.7 percent of the vote — one true sentence per voter.

  • The neglect algorithm

    The persuadable, likely voters both parties had stopped calling, found by cross-referencing contact history with receptivity.

  • Ten million, five countries

    A diaspora treated as the constituency it is, across the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, the UAE and Australia.

All nine cases

AbroadExhibit 6

The harder theaters.

The same discipline travels. Our people have run engagement, security and narrative programs for governments and institutions in the Gulf, South Asia, Southeast Asia and West Africa, and diaspora programs in five countries at once. Seven offices sit on a single desk, so a mandate in Riyadh and a race in Michigan are watched by someone who is awake.

Where we have worked

Diaspora as an electorate. A ten-million-person community spread across five countries is a constituency, whether or not anyone treats it as one. We do.

Featured readFrom the Brushworks Review
Also in the ReviewAll twenty-four papers
    The rules we work byFive things we will not do

    Five things we will not do.

    Written into every engagement letter, and the first page a donor's counsel or a ministry's compliance office is shown.

    I

    Target on identity

    We model behavior only. Ethnicity, religion and ideology are never modeled, never bought, and never accepted as a filter.

    So the Steward can be any color and any faith.

    II

    Hide the messenger

    Paid advocacy is labeled. We do not operate undisclosed personas or accounts, on any platform, in any language, for any client.

    So the second voice is a real one.

    III

    Report without a control

    Every program carries a randomized holdout sealed on day five, and every model beats a demographic and a look-alike baseline before it ships.

    So the number in the report is the number that happened.

    IV

    Cross a wall

    Independent-expenditure work is separated from candidate work by structure — teams, systems and seats. Foreign work is registered before it begins.

    So a donor's counsel can certify the posture, not take our word for it.

    V

    Run what we could not describe

    If a program could not be explained on the record, in public, in the client's name and ours, we do not run it. Mandates that fail the test are declined in writing.

    So there is nothing to find.

    WP-21 — Terrain

    Ballots by mail and the death of the closing argument

    When a third of the electorate has voted by the second debate, the final week is not final.

    By Brushworks research deskSeptember 2026Working paper

    Abstract. Mail and early voting have moved the decision for a large share of voters to the middle of the calendar. We quantify, state by state, how much of the electorate has voted by each week, and what it does to the sequencing of persuasion, contrast and the ask.

    In brief

    The finding
    Six in ten ballots in 2024 were cast before Election Day and three in ten by mail; the closing argument reaches the late cohort and is wasted on the rest. The electorate now votes on three calendars, knowable from behavior.
    For a campaign
    Sort voters by when they vote before anything else, compress the narrative arc for the early cohort, treat the debate as confirmation for the early and contrast for the late, and carry the state’s own return curve.
    For a government or institution
    Public information programs with a deadline face the same three calendars; the message that arrives after the act is a postscript.

    The closing argument was a rhetorical form built for an electorate that decided on the last weekend and voted on Tuesday. That electorate is gone. In 2020 nearly half of ballots were cast by mail and about seven in ten before Election Day; in 2022, after the pandemic-year peak, roughly a third were mailed and half were cast early; in 2024 three in ten were mailed and six in ten were cast before the day — the first presidential election in which Election Day voters were a minority. When a third of the electorate has voted by the second debate, the final week is not final. It is the last chapter of a story most readers have already put down. This paper quantifies what the mail ballot did to the calendar, and what it means for the sequencing of persuasion, contrast and the ask.

    What changed, and how much

    The Census Bureau's Current Population Survey tracks the shift, and the Election Assistance Commission's administrative counts confirm it. Mail voting doubled between 2016 and 2020 and settled near three in ten ballots in the elections that followed; voting before the day by any method went from two in five ballots to more than two in three, settled at half in the 2022 midterm, and reached six in ten in 2024 as early in-person voting grew. The settling point varies enormously by state — the all-mail states and the Southwest cast most ballots before the day; parts of the Northeast still vote on Tuesday — which is why the terrain brief carries the state's own return curve rather than a national average.

    Share of ballots cast by mail and cast before Election Day by any method, in recent federal elections, rounded from the Census Bureau's Current Population Survey (2016 from the MIT Survey of the Performance of American Elections). The 2020 spike settled, but not to where it was.

    Decided is not voted

    The distinction the closing argument depends on is between deciding and voting. Historically most voters decided before the last week — the campaign literature has long found the persuadable share of the electorate to be small — but they had not yet acted, and the closing argument could still reach the ones who wavered. Now the two curves have converged: the voter who decides in week five and has a ballot on the kitchen table votes in week five. By the second debate a third of the electorate has not merely decided but acted, and a message delivered to them is delivered to a decision the state has already recorded.

    Share of the electorate that reports having decided, and share that has actually voted, by week in a nine-week general election in a vote-by-mail state, illustrative. The gap between the lines is the closing argument's remaining audience. It closes fast after the ballots go out.

    Three electorates, by when they vote

    Recorded behavior sorts the electorate into three timing cohorts before any other cohorting is done. Early mail returners return in the first week of the window in every cycle; they must be persuaded before the drop and are mobilized by the arrival of the ballot itself. Early in-person voters vote in the first days of the early window and are reachable through week seven, mobilized by site and hour. Election Day voters — the late deciders, the habitual Tuesday voters, the people the file calls sporadic — are reachable to the end, and they are the only cohort for whom the closing argument is still an argument rather than a postscript.

    Three timing cohorts from recorded behavior, and the deadline, mobilization moment, register and closing step that suit each. One plan cannot serve all three; the calendar is written per cohort.
    The second debate is a mobilization event. For the early cohorts it is the moment the campaign's argument is confirmed and the ballot is returned; for the late cohort it is the moment contrast lands. A campaign that treats it as a persuasion event for the whole electorate is speaking to a room a third of which has left.

    Sequencing the seven steps to three calendars

    The narrative track — recognition, concern, inoculation, proof, contrast, permission, the ask — runs at three speeds. For early mail returners the whole arc compresses into the four weeks before the drop and the ask is the ballot; contrast, if it runs at all, runs in week three. For early in-person voters the arc runs to week seven with contrast in week five and the ask by site. For Election Day voters the arc runs the full nine weeks and the closing argument is the ask, delivered on the last weekend, in the registers that mobilize. The same candidate, the same seven steps, three calendars; the flighting plan carries all three, by cohort and seat.

    Implications

    • Retire the single closing argument. It reaches the late cohort and is wasted on the rest.
    • Sort by timing first. When a voter votes is the first thing behavior should tell a plan.
    • Compress the arc for the early cohort. Inoculate in week two, prove in week three, ask with the ballot.
    • Treat the debate as confirmation for the early and contrast for the late. One event, two jobs.
    • Carry the state's own return curve. A national average describes no state.

    Notes and references

    1. U.S. Census Bureau. Current Population Survey, Voting and Registration Supplement, November 2018–2024: in 2024, 29.0 percent by mail, 30.7 percent early in person, 39.6 percent on Election Day. U.S. Election Assistance Commission (2025), Election Administration and Voting Survey 2024 Comprehensive Report, whose administrative counts put mail at 30.3 percent and all pre-Election-Day voting at 65.5 percent.
    2. MIT Election Data and Science Lab (2025). How We Voted in 2024: A Topical Look at the Survey of the Performance of American Elections — mail at 29 percent in 2024, 43 in 2020, 21 in 2016.
    3. Gerber, A. S., Gimpel, J. G., Green, D. P., and Shaw, D. R. (2011). American Political Science Review, 105(1), 135–150 — on the decay of persuasive effects, and hence the futility of persuading a voter who has already acted.
    4. Brushworks Review WP-02, The absentee drop is the real Election Day.
    Next paperThe Review

    Brief us.

    Tell us the race, the calendar and the margin. Within a week we will tell you whether we can move it and what it would take. Candidate work and independent-expenditure work are taken by separate teams; say which you are. Governments and institutions: tell us the mandate and the jurisdiction, and we will tell you what registration it requires before we say anything else.

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