Brushworks
Brief us

Political strategy and data, at human resolution

Elections are decided by people, not demographics. We work at that scale.

Brushworks is a political intelligence firm. We model how individual voters behave, determine what would move each of them, and put persuasion into the field with a standard of proof — across the United States and in the harder theaters abroad.

  1. 1. The file
  2. 2. Signals resolve
  3. 3. Deciders surface
  4. 4. A program in field
Plate IFour thousand people as the voter file sees them: identical rows, nothing to tell one from another.
500+contests, from presidential to school board, over a decade
96%won, across every level and both parties
$5B+approved in more than a hundred bond and levy measures
270M+American adults and households, resolved and behaviorally scored
12countries of institutional and diaspora work
7offices on a single 24-hour desk
The premise

Most campaigns still buy the electorate the way television networks sold it in 1985: by age, sex, county and party file. Those labels are easy to purchase and easy to defend in a budget meeting. They are also the reason two neighbors with identical demographics receive identical mail and vote in opposite directions.

People do not decide as categories. They decide as individuals, under pressure, with whatever they happened to pay attention to that month. That attention leaves traces — what someone reads, buys, searches, cancels, renews, drives past on the way to work. Read carefully and modeled properly, those traces describe a person far better than the file does: what they are anxious about, what they take pride in, whom they trust, and what they have quietly stopped believing.

Brushworks was built to work at that resolution. We do the research, the modeling, the message architecture and the delivery ourselves, through our own media seats, and we measure every program against a held-out control — so that what we report at the end is what actually happened.

What we doThe method, in five movements

Terrain, audience, message, delivery, proof.

The order matters. Nothing is built before the race is mapped; nothing is written before the deciders are named; nothing is reported that was not measured against a control.

Capabilities in full

  1. I

    Terrain

    Where the race will actually be decided: the precincts, the margin, the money coming against you, and the clock.

  2. II

    Audience

    Deciders identified by what they do rather than by label, and grouped by what would move them.

  3. III

    Message

    A narrative track for each group, built from the anxieties and hopes it already holds and sequenced for the persuasion arc.

  4. IV

    Delivery

    Three registers: precision paid media, organic advocacy, and the ambient campaign. All of it disclosed, all of it through our own seats.

  5. V

    Proof

    Randomized holdouts, daily measurement, and a publish gate no model passes without beating the baseline.

The human layerExhibit 1

One person, seventeen thousand signals.

Our view of the American electorate is assembled from roughly sixty-two billion observed behaviors, resolved to more than 270 million adults and their households, organized into a ten-thousand-topic dictionary, and scored by models trained on real outcomes rather than proxies.

No single signal is decisive. The pattern is. A subscription cancelled, a commute lengthened, a local news habit, a sudden interest in prescription prices — each is noise on its own and evidence together. The graph is rebuilt monthly, digital activity refreshed daily, and none of it touches ethnicity, religion or ideology, which we do not model.

Inside the human layer

Exhibit 1The active signal registry, drawn to scale by domain — roughly 17,000 signals, each line a family of observed behaviors. Ochre marks signals that entered a scored model this month. Grouping illustrative.
From the behavioral lexiconExhibit 2, composites, not individuals

A campaign speaks to millions. It persuades one at a time.

Every other vendor in politics starts from the voter file, because that is what there is to buy: age band, sex, party, precinct, vote history. It is enough to send mail. It is not enough to know what to say. We describe deciders as phenotypes — composite people assembled from thousands of behavioral neighbors — so that a strategist and a copywriter can hold an entire segment in mind as a single person, and so that the person receives a line that was written for her.

Exhibit 2The same voter, two ways. Left, everything the voter file knows about the Night Nurse. Right, what the human layer knows — signals color-coded by domain, six scores, and the track she was assigned. Composite; the file's fields are typical, the signals illustrative.
  • Behavior, not labels.

    Cohorts are built from what people do — sixty-two billion observed events — never from ethnicity, religion or party as a proxy for what they will do.

    The category default: age band, sex, party, precinct

  • Named, and written for.

    Each cohort is a person with a name, a narrative track and a register mix. Copy is written to her; the studio produces the variants; every one carries a disclosure.

    The category default: one message, three demographic cuts

  • Measured against a control.

    Every track is judged against a randomized holdout. A line that moves the Steward and suppresses the Pharmacist is caught in week two, not guessed at in November.

    The category default: a post-election poll

The Steward

n., first-ring suburb

Homeowner, twenty years at the same employer, runs the parish fish fry. Believes the deal has been broken by people who never had to keep one.

Reads as
Order, obligation, the fair deal
Moves on
Cost-of-living arithmetic told with respect, not alarm

"The people who wrote the last budget never had to keep one."

The Splitter

n., late-deciding

Has voted for both parties in the last four cycles and resents being told what she is. Decides in the final ten days, mostly on character.

Reads as
Independence
Moves on
The single credible detail, not the platform

"Two votes, two dates, on the record. Judge them yourself."

The Night Nurse

n., shift worker

Mid-career, watches the news on a phone between rounds, has no patience for anyone who has not done a hard job under pressure.

Reads as
Competence
Moves on
Proof that someone has carried weight and kept their head

"She ran a trauma floor for eleven years. You'll hear she has never run anything."

The Renter

n., downtown, under 35

Three employers on the résumé, a lease that resets every twelve months, and a commute that has quietly become the central fact of life.

Reads as
Momentum
Moves on
A candidate who names the rent and the commute in the first sentence

"Your lease resets in March. Your rent didn't ask permission."

The Pharmacist

n., exurban professional

Meticulous about sources, allergic to slogans, and will read the footnote if there is one. Trusts the messenger who shows the working.

Reads as
Skepticism
Moves on
The claim with its evidence attached

"Here is the ratio she wrote, the hospital that adopted it, and the audit that followed."

The Contractor

n., rural-exurban, self-employed

Runs a crew of four, bids every job against someone cheaper, and keeps his own books at the kitchen table on Sunday nights.

Reads as
Self-reliance
Moves on
The rule that cost him a week, named specifically

"Section 4 cost you a week in March. Here is who wrote it and who voted to repeal it."

Commerce Media Civic Household Health and work Bars show the signal domains that define each composite

The recordExhibits 3 to 5

Ninety-six in a hundred.

Across more than five hundred contests — presidential, gubernatorial, Senate and House, ballot measures, and over a hundred bond and levy elections — the programs we have designed have won ninety-six percent of the time, for candidates and causes across the spectrum. Client names are held under agreement. The methods and the margins are not.

Open the casebook

Exhibit 3Five hundred contests, one dot each. Ochre, won; bone, lost. Drawn from the firm's record across a decade; positions of the losses are schematic.
OfficeMethodNote
PresidentialHyper-localization of a national narrativeA 2016 national campaign; the message rewritten county by county for the places that decided it.
GubernatorialBehavioral targeting across three distinct strategiesThree competitive states, three different theories of the race, one measurement standard.
U.S. SenateThe neglect algorithmPersuadable voters both parties had stopped contacting, found and moved.
U.S. HouseGrassroots amplificationSmall-dollar and volunteer growth engineered from behavioral affinity, not lists.
Ballot measuresSimplifying complexityA 2022 California measure: 65 percent support at launch, 17.7 percent at the ballot.
Bonds and leviesConcrete, not abstractMore than a hundred measures; more than five billion dollars approved by voters raising their own taxes.
Committees and NGOsThe permanent campaignTrigger-based activation between cycles, so the audience is warm when it matters.
Exhibit 4The record, by office. Each method is a case in the casebook.
Exhibit 5Support for a 2022 California ballot measure. The launch figure is the campaign's baseline polling; the result is the official statewide vote of November 8, 2022 (17.7 percent yes). The intervening trajectory is drawn to scale between them. Program in field from the second month.
CasebookThree of nine

What the method did when it met a real race.

  • Simplifying complexity

    A California measure whose text ran to dozens of pages, at 65 percent support, defeated with 17.7 percent of the vote — one true sentence per voter.

  • The neglect algorithm

    The persuadable, likely voters both parties had stopped calling, found by cross-referencing contact history with receptivity.

  • Ten million, five countries

    A diaspora treated as the constituency it is, across the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, the UAE and Australia.

All nine cases

AbroadExhibit 6

The harder theaters.

The same discipline travels. Our people have run engagement, security and narrative programs for governments and institutions in the Gulf, South Asia, Southeast Asia and West Africa, and diaspora programs in five countries at once. Seven offices sit on a single desk, so a mandate in Riyadh and a race in Michigan are watched by someone who is awake.

Where we have worked

Diaspora as an electorate. A ten-million-person community spread across five countries is a constituency, whether or not anyone treats it as one. We do.

Featured readFrom the Brushworks Review
Also in the ReviewAll twenty-four papers
    The rules we work byFive things we will not do

    Five things we will not do.

    Written into every engagement letter, and the first page a donor's counsel or a ministry's compliance office is shown.

    I

    Target on identity

    We model behavior only. Ethnicity, religion and ideology are never modeled, never bought, and never accepted as a filter.

    So the Steward can be any color and any faith.

    II

    Hide the messenger

    Paid advocacy is labeled. We do not operate undisclosed personas or accounts, on any platform, in any language, for any client.

    So the second voice is a real one.

    III

    Report without a control

    Every program carries a randomized holdout sealed on day five, and every model beats a demographic and a look-alike baseline before it ships.

    So the number in the report is the number that happened.

    IV

    Cross a wall

    Independent-expenditure work is separated from candidate work by structure — teams, systems and seats. Foreign work is registered before it begins.

    So a donor's counsel can certify the posture, not take our word for it.

    V

    Run what we could not describe

    If a program could not be explained on the record, in public, in the client's name and ours, we do not run it. Mandates that fail the test are declined in writing.

    So there is nothing to find.

    WP-03 — Casebook

    Simplifying complexity: one sentence per voter

    How a ballot measure whose text ran to dozens of pages, launched at 65 percent support, was defeated with 17.7 percent of the vote — without a single frame that wasn’t true.

    By Adam SyedSeptember 2026Working paper

    Abstract. Ballot measures are lost in the gap between what the text says and what a voter can hold in mind. We describe the distillation of a 2022 California proposition into forty-one single-sentence frames, the behavioral basis on which each voter received one of them, and the measured movement in support and sentiment over five months.

    In brief

    The finding
    A measure whose text no one will read is decided by the one sentence each voter can hold; supplying each behavioral cohort with a true, checkable, cohort-specific sentence defeated a measure that launched at sixty-five percent support with 17.7 percent of the vote.
    For a campaign
    Decompose the measure into every true sentence, let a second-month test against a holdout decide which sentence goes to whom, and never cross-run.
    For a government or institution
    A policy, a treaty or a budget is a measure of the same kind: it will be judged by the sentence each public uses to describe it, and that sentence can be chosen and measured.

    A ballot measure is a law asking to be read by people who will not read it. The 2022 California proposition that would have legalized online sports betting had a text that ran to dozens of pages; the campaign behind it had one of the largest budgets ever assembled for a measure, and its baseline polling showed sixty-five percent support. It received 17.7 percent of the vote on November 8. Nothing in the text changed between the summer and the ballot. What changed was the sentence each voter used to describe it — and the sentence was, for each of them, a different one, and true.

    How voters read a measure

    The political science of direct democracy converges on two findings. The first is that voters use cues and heuristics rather than the text: endorsements, the identity of the proponents, the money behind each side, the frame in which the measure arrives. Bowler and Donovan's work is the standard account; Lupia's study of the 1988 California insurance initiatives showed voters who knew only which industry backed a measure voting as if they had read it. The second is that uncertainty resolves toward no. A voter who does not understand a measure, or does not trust her understanding, votes against change — which is why, as Gerber found in his study of initiative spending, money can reliably defeat a measure and only rarely pass one.

    Both findings point at the same design principle. The task of a measure campaign is not to explain the law. It is to supply each voter with the one sentence about the law that is true, that she can hold, and that resolves her uncertainty in the direction the campaign needs. For the opposition the direction is no, and no is where uncertainty goes on its own; the sentence has only to make the uncertainty specific.

    Support for the measure from the campaign's baseline polling to the official result. The launch figure is the campaign's own baseline; the endpoint is the Secretary of State's statement of vote; the intervening trajectory is drawn to scale. Program in field from the second month.

    One sentence per voter

    The method was built in three moves. First, the measure was decomposed into every true single-sentence claim that could be made about its effects: where the revenue would go, who would keep the margin, what the consumer protections did and did not cover, what local governments would and would not control, what the youth and addiction provisions required. Forty-one sentences survived legal review; each was true, sourced to the text, and short enough to be the whole message.

    Second, the electorate was cohorted by behavior — household budgeting patterns, sports and leisure attention, civic and institutional engagement, local news habit, age-and-tenure signals from the graph — into groups defined by what they were listening for, not by demography. Third, each sentence was matched to the cohorts it moved, by measurement rather than by intuition: each frame was flighted to a slice of each cohort against a sealed holdout in the second month, and the matrix of what moved whom was allowed to decide the plan.

    The frame-by-cohort matrix from the second-month test: the share of the available lift each single-sentence frame captured in each behavioral cohort, against the holdout. Darker is more. The plan sent each cohort only the frames in its dark cells — and never the frames in its light ones, several of which moved the cohort the wrong way. Illustrative of the matrix; figures rounded.
    Every frame was true. This is not a rhetorical flourish; it is the design constraint that made the method work. A sentence a voter can verify against the text survives the opponent's rebuttal. A sentence she cannot is the rebuttal's best evidence. Forty-one variants across three registers ran in the program, and not one made a claim the measure's own language did not support.

    Why the specific sentence beats the general one

    A general frame — "this measure is a giveaway to out-of-state corporations" — is an argument, and arguments invite counterarguments; the proponents had a reply for every one. A specific sentence — the share of revenue that would leave the state under the measure's own formula, the number of pages the consumer protections occupy against the pages the operator provisions occupy — is a fact, and a fact invites a check. Construal-level theory would predict that concrete claims feel nearer and more actionable than abstract ones; the field result was more direct than that. Undecided voters who last saw a specific frame broke more heavily toward no than those who saw a generic one, and the effect was larger than the difference between the two sides' generic frames.

    How undecided voters in the treated population broke, by the kind of frame they last received. Specific frames moved the undecided further in their direction than generic ones on both sides. Illustrative of the pattern; the program's own report carries the intervals.

    The result and its anatomy

    The measure was defeated with 17.7 percent of the vote — a swing of more than forty-five points from the campaign's baseline — with a sixty-one percent increase over the same period in favorable sentiment toward the opposition's position on social platforms, measured by the program's own sentiment instrument. Decomposed by cohort, the two largest behavioral cohorts contributed just over half the shift; the frames that did the work in each were different, and in two cohorts the frame that worked best elsewhere would have cost votes. Money was not decisive; the proponents' spending was among the largest ever assembled behind a measure, and the measure lost by sixty-five points. What was decisive was that the opposition's forty-one sentences were each aimed, and the proponents' one message was not.

    Implications for measure campaigns

    • Decompose before you write. The measure's own text is the source of every frame; the copy team's job is selection, not invention.
    • Cohort by what people are listening for. Demography did not predict which frame moved a voter. Behavior did.
    • Let the matrix decide. A second-month test against a holdout tells you which frame goes to whom; intuition tells you which frame you like.
    • Never cross-run. The frame that moves one cohort moves another the wrong way. The suppression list is part of the plan.
    • Prefer the verifiable sentence. If a voter can check it, the opponent cannot spend against it.

    Notes and references

    1. California Secretary of State (2022). Statement of Vote, November 8, 2022 General Election: Proposition 27, 17.7 percent yes.
    2. Bowler, S., and Donovan, T. (1998). Demanding Choices: Opinion, Voting, and Direct Democracy. University of Michigan Press.
    3. Lupia, A. (1994). Shortcuts versus encyclopedias: information and voting behavior in California insurance reform elections. American Political Science Review, 88(1), 63–76.
    4. Gerber, E. R. (1999). The Populist Paradox: Interest Group Influence and the Promise of Direct Legislation. Princeton University Press.
    5. Trope, Y., and Liberman, N. (2010). Construal-level theory of psychological distance. Psychological Review, 117(2), 440–463.
    6. The baseline support figure, the sentiment measure and the cohort decomposition are from the campaign's own instruments and the program's proof report; the vote result is the official record.
    Next paperThe Review

    Brief us.

    Tell us the race, the calendar and the margin. Within a week we will tell you whether we can move it and what it would take. Candidate work and independent-expenditure work are taken by separate teams; say which you are. Governments and institutions: tell us the mandate and the jurisdiction, and we will tell you what registration it requires before we say anything else.

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