Brushworks
Brief us

Political strategy and data, at human resolution

Elections are decided by people, not demographics. We work at that scale.

Brushworks is a political intelligence firm. We model how individual voters behave, determine what would move each of them, and put persuasion into the field with a standard of proof — across the United States and in the harder theaters abroad.

  1. 1. The file
  2. 2. Signals resolve
  3. 3. Deciders surface
  4. 4. A program in field
Plate IFour thousand people as the voter file sees them: identical rows, nothing to tell one from another.
500+contests, from presidential to school board, over a decade
96%won, across every level and both parties
$5B+approved in more than a hundred bond and levy measures
270M+American adults and households, resolved and behaviorally scored
12countries of institutional and diaspora work
7offices on a single 24-hour desk
The premise

Most campaigns still buy the electorate the way television networks sold it in 1985: by age, sex, county and party file. Those labels are easy to purchase and easy to defend in a budget meeting. They are also the reason two neighbors with identical demographics receive identical mail and vote in opposite directions.

People do not decide as categories. They decide as individuals, under pressure, with whatever they happened to pay attention to that month. That attention leaves traces — what someone reads, buys, searches, cancels, renews, drives past on the way to work. Read carefully and modeled properly, those traces describe a person far better than the file does: what they are anxious about, what they take pride in, whom they trust, and what they have quietly stopped believing.

Brushworks was built to work at that resolution. We do the research, the modeling, the message architecture and the delivery ourselves, through our own media seats, and we measure every program against a held-out control — so that what we report at the end is what actually happened.

What we doThe method, in five movements

Terrain, audience, message, delivery, proof.

The order matters. Nothing is built before the race is mapped; nothing is written before the deciders are named; nothing is reported that was not measured against a control.

Capabilities in full

  1. I

    Terrain

    Where the race will actually be decided: the precincts, the margin, the money coming against you, and the clock.

  2. II

    Audience

    Deciders identified by what they do rather than by label, and grouped by what would move them.

  3. III

    Message

    A narrative track for each group, built from the anxieties and hopes it already holds and sequenced for the persuasion arc.

  4. IV

    Delivery

    Three registers: precision paid media, organic advocacy, and the ambient campaign. All of it disclosed, all of it through our own seats.

  5. V

    Proof

    Randomized holdouts, daily measurement, and a publish gate no model passes without beating the baseline.

The human layerExhibit 1

One person, seventeen thousand signals.

Our view of the American electorate is assembled from roughly sixty-two billion observed behaviors, resolved to more than 270 million adults and their households, organized into a ten-thousand-topic dictionary, and scored by models trained on real outcomes rather than proxies.

No single signal is decisive. The pattern is. A subscription cancelled, a commute lengthened, a local news habit, a sudden interest in prescription prices — each is noise on its own and evidence together. The graph is rebuilt monthly, digital activity refreshed daily, and none of it touches ethnicity, religion or ideology, which we do not model.

Inside the human layer

Exhibit 1The active signal registry, drawn to scale by domain — roughly 17,000 signals, each line a family of observed behaviors. Ochre marks signals that entered a scored model this month. Grouping illustrative.
From the behavioral lexiconExhibit 2, composites, not individuals

A campaign speaks to millions. It persuades one at a time.

Every other vendor in politics starts from the voter file, because that is what there is to buy: age band, sex, party, precinct, vote history. It is enough to send mail. It is not enough to know what to say. We describe deciders as phenotypes — composite people assembled from thousands of behavioral neighbors — so that a strategist and a copywriter can hold an entire segment in mind as a single person, and so that the person receives a line that was written for her.

Exhibit 2The same voter, two ways. Left, everything the voter file knows about the Night Nurse. Right, what the human layer knows — signals color-coded by domain, six scores, and the track she was assigned. Composite; the file's fields are typical, the signals illustrative.
  • Behavior, not labels.

    Cohorts are built from what people do — sixty-two billion observed events — never from ethnicity, religion or party as a proxy for what they will do.

    The category default: age band, sex, party, precinct

  • Named, and written for.

    Each cohort is a person with a name, a narrative track and a register mix. Copy is written to her; the studio produces the variants; every one carries a disclosure.

    The category default: one message, three demographic cuts

  • Measured against a control.

    Every track is judged against a randomized holdout. A line that moves the Steward and suppresses the Pharmacist is caught in week two, not guessed at in November.

    The category default: a post-election poll

The Steward

n., first-ring suburb

Homeowner, twenty years at the same employer, runs the parish fish fry. Believes the deal has been broken by people who never had to keep one.

Reads as
Order, obligation, the fair deal
Moves on
Cost-of-living arithmetic told with respect, not alarm

"The people who wrote the last budget never had to keep one."

The Splitter

n., late-deciding

Has voted for both parties in the last four cycles and resents being told what she is. Decides in the final ten days, mostly on character.

Reads as
Independence
Moves on
The single credible detail, not the platform

"Two votes, two dates, on the record. Judge them yourself."

The Night Nurse

n., shift worker

Mid-career, watches the news on a phone between rounds, has no patience for anyone who has not done a hard job under pressure.

Reads as
Competence
Moves on
Proof that someone has carried weight and kept their head

"She ran a trauma floor for eleven years. You'll hear she has never run anything."

The Renter

n., downtown, under 35

Three employers on the résumé, a lease that resets every twelve months, and a commute that has quietly become the central fact of life.

Reads as
Momentum
Moves on
A candidate who names the rent and the commute in the first sentence

"Your lease resets in March. Your rent didn't ask permission."

The Pharmacist

n., exurban professional

Meticulous about sources, allergic to slogans, and will read the footnote if there is one. Trusts the messenger who shows the working.

Reads as
Skepticism
Moves on
The claim with its evidence attached

"Here is the ratio she wrote, the hospital that adopted it, and the audit that followed."

The Contractor

n., rural-exurban, self-employed

Runs a crew of four, bids every job against someone cheaper, and keeps his own books at the kitchen table on Sunday nights.

Reads as
Self-reliance
Moves on
The rule that cost him a week, named specifically

"Section 4 cost you a week in March. Here is who wrote it and who voted to repeal it."

Commerce Media Civic Household Health and work Bars show the signal domains that define each composite

The recordExhibits 3 to 5

Ninety-six in a hundred.

Across more than five hundred contests — presidential, gubernatorial, Senate and House, ballot measures, and over a hundred bond and levy elections — the programs we have designed have won ninety-six percent of the time, for candidates and causes across the spectrum. Client names are held under agreement. The methods and the margins are not.

Open the casebook

Exhibit 3Five hundred contests, one dot each. Ochre, won; bone, lost. Drawn from the firm's record across a decade; positions of the losses are schematic.
OfficeMethodNote
PresidentialHyper-localization of a national narrativeA 2016 national campaign; the message rewritten county by county for the places that decided it.
GubernatorialBehavioral targeting across three distinct strategiesThree competitive states, three different theories of the race, one measurement standard.
U.S. SenateThe neglect algorithmPersuadable voters both parties had stopped contacting, found and moved.
U.S. HouseGrassroots amplificationSmall-dollar and volunteer growth engineered from behavioral affinity, not lists.
Ballot measuresSimplifying complexityA 2022 California measure: 65 percent support at launch, 17.7 percent at the ballot.
Bonds and leviesConcrete, not abstractMore than a hundred measures; more than five billion dollars approved by voters raising their own taxes.
Committees and NGOsThe permanent campaignTrigger-based activation between cycles, so the audience is warm when it matters.
Exhibit 4The record, by office. Each method is a case in the casebook.
Exhibit 5Support for a 2022 California ballot measure. The launch figure is the campaign's baseline polling; the result is the official statewide vote of November 8, 2022 (17.7 percent yes). The intervening trajectory is drawn to scale between them. Program in field from the second month.
CasebookThree of nine

What the method did when it met a real race.

  • Simplifying complexity

    A California measure whose text ran to dozens of pages, at 65 percent support, defeated with 17.7 percent of the vote — one true sentence per voter.

  • The neglect algorithm

    The persuadable, likely voters both parties had stopped calling, found by cross-referencing contact history with receptivity.

  • Ten million, five countries

    A diaspora treated as the constituency it is, across the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, the UAE and Australia.

All nine cases

AbroadExhibit 6

The harder theaters.

The same discipline travels. Our people have run engagement, security and narrative programs for governments and institutions in the Gulf, South Asia, Southeast Asia and West Africa, and diaspora programs in five countries at once. Seven offices sit on a single desk, so a mandate in Riyadh and a race in Michigan are watched by someone who is awake.

Where we have worked

Diaspora as an electorate. A ten-million-person community spread across five countries is a constituency, whether or not anyone treats it as one. We do.

Featured readFrom the Brushworks Review
Also in the ReviewAll twenty-four papers
    The rules we work byFive things we will not do

    Five things we will not do.

    Written into every engagement letter, and the first page a donor's counsel or a ministry's compliance office is shown.

    I

    Target on identity

    We model behavior only. Ethnicity, religion and ideology are never modeled, never bought, and never accepted as a filter.

    So the Steward can be any color and any faith.

    II

    Hide the messenger

    Paid advocacy is labeled. We do not operate undisclosed personas or accounts, on any platform, in any language, for any client.

    So the second voice is a real one.

    III

    Report without a control

    Every program carries a randomized holdout sealed on day five, and every model beats a demographic and a look-alike baseline before it ships.

    So the number in the report is the number that happened.

    IV

    Cross a wall

    Independent-expenditure work is separated from candidate work by structure — teams, systems and seats. Foreign work is registered before it begins.

    So a donor's counsel can certify the posture, not take our word for it.

    V

    Run what we could not describe

    If a program could not be explained on the record, in public, in the client's name and ours, we do not run it. Mandates that fail the test are declined in writing.

    So there is nothing to find.

    WP-16 — Method

    The permanent campaign

    Between cycles the audience goes cold — unless activation is tied to events rather than the calendar.

    By Brushworks research deskSeptember 2026Working paper

    Abstract. Committees and NGOs lose their audiences in the years between elections. We describe trigger-based activation — pre-built creative and pre-scored lists released on a ruling, a vote or a headline — and the engagement curves it produces against calendar-driven programs.

    In brief

    The finding
    Audiences decay by half within six months of the last meaningful contact; organizations that respond to events rather than dates keep a standing audience warm, raise its floor with each release, and measure the year against a standing control.
    For a campaign
    Build the watch, pre-build the creative by cohort, release within hours to the cohort that cares and to no one else, and keep a permanent holdout.
    For a government or institution
    Institutions between mandates — agencies, committees, NGOs — are permanent campaigns whether they run one or not; the trigger loop is how the quiet months become an asset.

    Organizations that exist between elections — committees, advocacy groups, the NGOs whose fundraising and mobilization spike when a headline does the work for them — mostly run their programs on a calendar. The quarterly appeal, the annual drive, the pre-cycle relaunch. The audience, meanwhile, is running on events: it cares about the issue on the day of the ruling, the vote, the headline, and forgets by the next quarter. A calendar-driven program is almost always talking when no one is listening and silent when everyone is. The permanent campaign is the alternative: a standing audience, kept warm by responding to events rather than to dates, with the response built before the event and measured against a control that never sleeps.

    The audience decays

    Every organization's list is a decaying asset. Responsiveness to contact falls with time since the last meaningful contact — not the last email, which is noise, but the last contact that mattered to the person — and it falls fast: in the programs we have measured, roughly half an audience has gone quiet within six months of its last meaningful touch, and four in five within a year. The calendar-driven program then relaunches into an audience it has to re-acquire, and pays acquisition prices for people it already had.

    Share of an audience still responsive by months since its last meaningful contact, illustrative of the pattern across committee and NGO programs. The calendar-driven program lets the curve run to the bottom and then pays to climb it.

    Events, not dates

    The permanent campaign is built around a watch. The desk monitors the events that move the organization's issue — court rulings, legislative votes, agency filings, the headlines that reliably produce a spike — and the audience is pre-scored for which events each cohort cares about, from what each attends to and has acted on before. Creative is built in advance for each foreseeable event, by cohort, and held. When the event lands, the release is a matter of hours: the cohort that cares receives the message that was built for it, in the register it uses, while the event is still the thing it is reading about. Nobody else receives anything.

    The trigger loop. The desk watches; the audience is scored for who cares about this event; the pre-built, cohort-specific creative is released within hours; the response is measured against the standing holdout; the loop resets. It runs on events, not on a calendar.

    What the curve looks like

    A committee program run on triggers for a year against a calendar-driven comparison cohort shows the difference in shape. The calendar program's engagement declines steadily, punctuated by relaunch spikes that cost acquisition money. The trigger program's engagement jumps at each event, decays between them, and each decay begins from a higher floor than the last, because each release reached a cohort at the moment it cared and the audience learned that the organization would be there when it did. By year end the trigger cohort's engagement index was three times the calendar cohort's, at lower cost per responsive member, with the standing holdout showing that the difference was the program and not the year.

    Engagement index across a year for a trigger-based program and a calendar-driven comparison, with four triggers marked. The trigger program's floor rises with each event; the calendar program's declines. Illustrative shape drawn from a committee program measured against a standing holdout.
    The standing holdout. A permanent campaign needs a permanent control: a sealed share of every cohort that never receives a trigger release, so that each release can be measured against it and the year's result is the program rather than the news. It is drawn once, refreshed as the audience grows, and reported every quarter.

    Fundraising follows the same curve

    The small-dollar donor is the clearest case. Donations spike on events, and the organization that asks within hours of the event — from the cohort that cares about that event, with the ask built for it — raises at a fraction of the cost of the organization that asks on the fifteenth of the month. Affinity-built donor bases, assembled from behavior rather than from purchased lists, grow through the year on the trigger loop; purchased lists decay from the day they arrive, because the people on them were never the organization's audience.

    Implications

    • Build the watch. Know, in advance, which events move your issue and which cohorts each moves.
    • Build the creative before the event. A release that takes a week is a newsletter.
    • Release to the cohort that cares, and to no one else. The trigger loop's discipline is silence for everyone the event does not touch.
    • Keep a standing holdout. The permanent campaign's report should say, every quarter, what it did against the year.

    Notes and references

    1. Blumenthal, S. (1980). The Permanent Campaign. Beacon Press — the phrase, and the observation that governing and campaigning had merged.
    2. Karpf, D. (2016). Analytic Activism: Digital Listening and the New Political Strategy. Oxford University Press — on advocacy organizations' use of testing and listening between cycles.
    3. Gerber, A. S., Gimpel, J. G., Green, D. P., and Shaw, D. R. (2011). American Political Science Review, 105(1), 135–150 — on the rapid decay of persuasive effects, the reason a release must arrive with the event.
    4. Program figures are from a Brushworks committee program measured against a standing randomized holdout; the organization is held under agreement.
    Next paperThe Review

    Brief us.

    Tell us the race, the calendar and the margin. Within a week we will tell you whether we can move it and what it would take. Candidate work and independent-expenditure work are taken by separate teams; say which you are. Governments and institutions: tell us the mandate and the jurisdiction, and we will tell you what registration it requires before we say anything else.

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