Brushworks
Brief us

Political strategy and data, at human resolution

Elections are decided by people, not demographics. We work at that scale.

Brushworks is a political intelligence firm. We model how individual voters behave, determine what would move each of them, and put persuasion into the field with a standard of proof — across the United States and in the harder theaters abroad.

  1. 1. The file
  2. 2. Signals resolve
  3. 3. Deciders surface
  4. 4. A program in field
Plate IFour thousand people as the voter file sees them: identical rows, nothing to tell one from another.
500+contests, from presidential to school board, over a decade
96%won, across every level and both parties
$5B+approved in more than a hundred bond and levy measures
270M+American adults and households, resolved and behaviorally scored
12countries of institutional and diaspora work
7offices on a single 24-hour desk
The premise

Most campaigns still buy the electorate the way television networks sold it in 1985: by age, sex, county and party file. Those labels are easy to purchase and easy to defend in a budget meeting. They are also the reason two neighbors with identical demographics receive identical mail and vote in opposite directions.

People do not decide as categories. They decide as individuals, under pressure, with whatever they happened to pay attention to that month. That attention leaves traces — what someone reads, buys, searches, cancels, renews, drives past on the way to work. Read carefully and modeled properly, those traces describe a person far better than the file does: what they are anxious about, what they take pride in, whom they trust, and what they have quietly stopped believing.

Brushworks was built to work at that resolution. We do the research, the modeling, the message architecture and the delivery ourselves, through our own media seats, and we measure every program against a held-out control — so that what we report at the end is what actually happened.

What we doThe method, in five movements

Terrain, audience, message, delivery, proof.

The order matters. Nothing is built before the race is mapped; nothing is written before the deciders are named; nothing is reported that was not measured against a control.

Capabilities in full

  1. I

    Terrain

    Where the race will actually be decided: the precincts, the margin, the money coming against you, and the clock.

  2. II

    Audience

    Deciders identified by what they do rather than by label, and grouped by what would move them.

  3. III

    Message

    A narrative track for each group, built from the anxieties and hopes it already holds and sequenced for the persuasion arc.

  4. IV

    Delivery

    Three registers: precision paid media, organic advocacy, and the ambient campaign. All of it disclosed, all of it through our own seats.

  5. V

    Proof

    Randomized holdouts, daily measurement, and a publish gate no model passes without beating the baseline.

The human layerExhibit 1

One person, seventeen thousand signals.

Our view of the American electorate is assembled from roughly sixty-two billion observed behaviors, resolved to more than 270 million adults and their households, organized into a ten-thousand-topic dictionary, and scored by models trained on real outcomes rather than proxies.

No single signal is decisive. The pattern is. A subscription cancelled, a commute lengthened, a local news habit, a sudden interest in prescription prices — each is noise on its own and evidence together. The graph is rebuilt monthly, digital activity refreshed daily, and none of it touches ethnicity, religion or ideology, which we do not model.

Inside the human layer

Exhibit 1The active signal registry, drawn to scale by domain — roughly 17,000 signals, each line a family of observed behaviors. Ochre marks signals that entered a scored model this month. Grouping illustrative.
From the behavioral lexiconExhibit 2, composites, not individuals

A campaign speaks to millions. It persuades one at a time.

Every other vendor in politics starts from the voter file, because that is what there is to buy: age band, sex, party, precinct, vote history. It is enough to send mail. It is not enough to know what to say. We describe deciders as phenotypes — composite people assembled from thousands of behavioral neighbors — so that a strategist and a copywriter can hold an entire segment in mind as a single person, and so that the person receives a line that was written for her.

Exhibit 2The same voter, two ways. Left, everything the voter file knows about the Night Nurse. Right, what the human layer knows — signals color-coded by domain, six scores, and the track she was assigned. Composite; the file's fields are typical, the signals illustrative.
  • Behavior, not labels.

    Cohorts are built from what people do — sixty-two billion observed events — never from ethnicity, religion or party as a proxy for what they will do.

    The category default: age band, sex, party, precinct

  • Named, and written for.

    Each cohort is a person with a name, a narrative track and a register mix. Copy is written to her; the studio produces the variants; every one carries a disclosure.

    The category default: one message, three demographic cuts

  • Measured against a control.

    Every track is judged against a randomized holdout. A line that moves the Steward and suppresses the Pharmacist is caught in week two, not guessed at in November.

    The category default: a post-election poll

The Steward

n., first-ring suburb

Homeowner, twenty years at the same employer, runs the parish fish fry. Believes the deal has been broken by people who never had to keep one.

Reads as
Order, obligation, the fair deal
Moves on
Cost-of-living arithmetic told with respect, not alarm

"The people who wrote the last budget never had to keep one."

The Splitter

n., late-deciding

Has voted for both parties in the last four cycles and resents being told what she is. Decides in the final ten days, mostly on character.

Reads as
Independence
Moves on
The single credible detail, not the platform

"Two votes, two dates, on the record. Judge them yourself."

The Night Nurse

n., shift worker

Mid-career, watches the news on a phone between rounds, has no patience for anyone who has not done a hard job under pressure.

Reads as
Competence
Moves on
Proof that someone has carried weight and kept their head

"She ran a trauma floor for eleven years. You'll hear she has never run anything."

The Renter

n., downtown, under 35

Three employers on the résumé, a lease that resets every twelve months, and a commute that has quietly become the central fact of life.

Reads as
Momentum
Moves on
A candidate who names the rent and the commute in the first sentence

"Your lease resets in March. Your rent didn't ask permission."

The Pharmacist

n., exurban professional

Meticulous about sources, allergic to slogans, and will read the footnote if there is one. Trusts the messenger who shows the working.

Reads as
Skepticism
Moves on
The claim with its evidence attached

"Here is the ratio she wrote, the hospital that adopted it, and the audit that followed."

The Contractor

n., rural-exurban, self-employed

Runs a crew of four, bids every job against someone cheaper, and keeps his own books at the kitchen table on Sunday nights.

Reads as
Self-reliance
Moves on
The rule that cost him a week, named specifically

"Section 4 cost you a week in March. Here is who wrote it and who voted to repeal it."

Commerce Media Civic Household Health and work Bars show the signal domains that define each composite

The recordExhibits 3 to 5

Ninety-six in a hundred.

Across more than five hundred contests — presidential, gubernatorial, Senate and House, ballot measures, and over a hundred bond and levy elections — the programs we have designed have won ninety-six percent of the time, for candidates and causes across the spectrum. Client names are held under agreement. The methods and the margins are not.

Open the casebook

Exhibit 3Five hundred contests, one dot each. Ochre, won; bone, lost. Drawn from the firm's record across a decade; positions of the losses are schematic.
OfficeMethodNote
PresidentialHyper-localization of a national narrativeA 2016 national campaign; the message rewritten county by county for the places that decided it.
GubernatorialBehavioral targeting across three distinct strategiesThree competitive states, three different theories of the race, one measurement standard.
U.S. SenateThe neglect algorithmPersuadable voters both parties had stopped contacting, found and moved.
U.S. HouseGrassroots amplificationSmall-dollar and volunteer growth engineered from behavioral affinity, not lists.
Ballot measuresSimplifying complexityA 2022 California measure: 65 percent support at launch, 17.7 percent at the ballot.
Bonds and leviesConcrete, not abstractMore than a hundred measures; more than five billion dollars approved by voters raising their own taxes.
Committees and NGOsThe permanent campaignTrigger-based activation between cycles, so the audience is warm when it matters.
Exhibit 4The record, by office. Each method is a case in the casebook.
Exhibit 5Support for a 2022 California ballot measure. The launch figure is the campaign's baseline polling; the result is the official statewide vote of November 8, 2022 (17.7 percent yes). The intervening trajectory is drawn to scale between them. Program in field from the second month.
CasebookThree of nine

What the method did when it met a real race.

  • Simplifying complexity

    A California measure whose text ran to dozens of pages, at 65 percent support, defeated with 17.7 percent of the vote — one true sentence per voter.

  • The neglect algorithm

    The persuadable, likely voters both parties had stopped calling, found by cross-referencing contact history with receptivity.

  • Ten million, five countries

    A diaspora treated as the constituency it is, across the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, the UAE and Australia.

All nine cases

AbroadExhibit 6

The harder theaters.

The same discipline travels. Our people have run engagement, security and narrative programs for governments and institutions in the Gulf, South Asia, Southeast Asia and West Africa, and diaspora programs in five countries at once. Seven offices sit on a single desk, so a mandate in Riyadh and a race in Michigan are watched by someone who is awake.

Where we have worked

Diaspora as an electorate. A ten-million-person community spread across five countries is a constituency, whether or not anyone treats it as one. We do.

Featured readFrom the Brushworks Review
Also in the ReviewAll twenty-four papers
    The rules we work byFive things we will not do

    Five things we will not do.

    Written into every engagement letter, and the first page a donor's counsel or a ministry's compliance office is shown.

    I

    Target on identity

    We model behavior only. Ethnicity, religion and ideology are never modeled, never bought, and never accepted as a filter.

    So the Steward can be any color and any faith.

    II

    Hide the messenger

    Paid advocacy is labeled. We do not operate undisclosed personas or accounts, on any platform, in any language, for any client.

    So the second voice is a real one.

    III

    Report without a control

    Every program carries a randomized holdout sealed on day five, and every model beats a demographic and a look-alike baseline before it ships.

    So the number in the report is the number that happened.

    IV

    Cross a wall

    Independent-expenditure work is separated from candidate work by structure — teams, systems and seats. Foreign work is registered before it begins.

    So a donor's counsel can certify the posture, not take our word for it.

    V

    Run what we could not describe

    If a program could not be explained on the record, in public, in the client's name and ours, we do not run it. Mandates that fail the test are declined in writing.

    So there is nothing to find.

    WP-07 — Delivery

    Three registers

    Precision paid media, organic advocacy and the ambient campaign: how a second voice makes the first one believable.

    By Adam SyedSeptember 2026Working paper

    Abstract. Paid persuasion is discounted by the people it reaches because they know who paid for it. We describe a delivery doctrine in which paid media, organic advocacy through validators and relational networks, and an ambient campaign of out-of-home and earned media are flighted as one program, and the measured interaction between them.

    In brief

    The finding
    One voice is heard as a campaign and discounted; three disclosed registers — the candidate’s paid voice, a trusted second voice, and an ambient argument — sequenced and measured apart, move a voter that any one alone would only nudge.
    For a campaign
    Budget the registers before the channels, cast validators from behavior, keep an ambient calendar, and hold out by register so weight can move toward what is working.
    For a government or institution
    For institutional communication the second voice is the community leader, the professional body, the trusted institution; the method is the same and the disclosure is what makes it work.

    A campaign that speaks in one voice is heard as a campaign. The voter knows what she is hearing, knows who paid for it, and discounts it accordingly — not because she is cynical but because she is correct. A program that speaks in three registers is heard as the world: the candidate's own paid voice, a second voice she trusts more than the candidate's, and an ambient argument that seems to come from nowhere in particular. Each register is disclosed; none pretends to be what it is not; and the three together move a voter that any one of them would only nudge. This paper sets out the registers, the sequence, and the measurement that makes the claim more than a preference.

    The three registers

    Precision paid is the candidate's own voice, placed at the person rather than the zip code — social, search, connected television, programmatic and mail — through seats the firm controls. It is the register the voter discounts most and the one that reaches her most reliably; its job is recognition, concern and inoculation, the steps a campaign must take in its own name.

    Organic advocacy is the second voice: validators identified for each cohort by behavior — a nurse for the Night Nurse, a shop foreman for the Steward — relational networks, and the letters page. Its job is proof and permission. The two-step flow that Katz and Lazarsfeld described seventy years ago is still the most reliable finding in the study of influence: people are moved by people like them, and a campaign that cannot find those people is talking to itself.

    Ambient and earned is the argument that arrives without a sender the voter is watching for — out-of-home, a stunt calendar, the earned coverage a well-timed act produces. Its job is to make the argument feel like the weather: something everyone seems to know. It is the smallest register in spend and the one most campaigns cannot run at all, because it requires a calendar rather than a budget.

    Why one register fails

    The field-experimental literature on paid persuasion is sobering: Coppock, Hill and Vavreck's pooling of fifty-nine experiments finds effects of about a point on favorability and half a point on vote choice, small in every context, sender and receiver. Read as a verdict on advertising it is discouraging. Read as a verdict on advertising alone it is a design instruction: a single register has a ceiling, and the ceiling is low, because the voter has correctly identified the source. The second voice raises the ceiling because it changes the source, and the ambient register raises it again because it removes the source altogether.

    The same line, delivered by the candidate, by a validator drawn from the cohort, and by both in sequence, against register-level holdouts at week six. The line did not change. The voice did. Illustrative of the pattern across programs; intervals in the client reports.

    The sequence

    Registers are sequenced, not stacked. Precision paid leads, because recognition and inoculation must come from the candidate before a validator's proof can attach to anything. Organic advocacy builds through the middle weeks as validators are cast, filmed and flighted. Ambient peaks twice — once when the argument needs to feel widely held, and once in the final week when the ask needs to feel inevitable. The absentee drop bends all three: weight shifts from persuasion to mobilization the day ballots go out, and the registers that mobilize best — relational, SMS, the validator who says where and when — take the lead.

    Register weight by week in a nine-week statewide program, as a share of that register's peak weekly contact. Paid leads and tapers; organic builds; ambient peaks with the argument and again with the ask. The flighting plan carries the exact figures by cohort and seat.
    Disclosed, all three. Paid placement carries its disclaimer. Validators are real people saying what they believe, identified as such. Ambient placements name their sponsor. The firm operates no undisclosed personas or accounts, on any platform, in any language, and a request to do so ends the engagement. The second voice works because it is a real one.

    Measuring the registers apart

    Register-level holdouts are the only way to know which register is moving the number. Within each cohort, a sealed control sees nothing; a second group sees precision paid only; a third sees paid and organic; the treated remainder sees all three in sequence. The differences between groups are the registers' contributions, and the interaction — the amount by which the sequenced program exceeds the sum of the registers alone — is the reason to run three at all.

    Favorability lift by register against register-level holdouts, and for the full sequenced program, pooled across statewide programs. The sequenced program exceeds the sum of its parts; the parts, alone, are small. Illustrative pooled figures.

    Implications

    • Budget the registers, then the channels. The register decides the job; the channel is where the cohort is listening.
    • Cast validators from behavior. Whom a cohort believes is knowable from what it attends to; the casting is a data task before it is a creative one.
    • Keep an ambient calendar. An argument that seems to come from the world needs events, not impressions.
    • Hold out by register. A program that cannot separate the registers cannot reallocate between them, and reallocation is where the last third of the lift comes from.

    Notes and references

    1. Katz, E., and Lazarsfeld, P. F. (1955). Personal Influence: The Part Played by People in the Flow of Mass Communications. Free Press.
    2. Coppock, A., Hill, S. J., and Vavreck, L. (2020). The small effects of political advertising are small regardless of context, message, sender, or receiver. Science Advances, 6(36).
    3. Hovland, C. I., and Weiss, W. (1951). The influence of source credibility on communication effectiveness. Public Opinion Quarterly, 15(4), 635–650.
    4. Broockman, D. E., and Kalla, J. L. (2016). Durably reducing transphobia: a field experiment on door-to-door canvassing. Science, 352(6282), 220–224 — on the durability of persuasion delivered in a personal register.
    5. Brushworks disclosures policy, §1 (disclaimers) and rules I–II (no undisclosed messengers). Program figures pooled and rounded from statewide programs with register-level holdouts.
    Next paperThe Review

    Brief us.

    Tell us the race, the calendar and the margin. Within a week we will tell you whether we can move it and what it would take. Candidate work and independent-expenditure work are taken by separate teams; say which you are. Governments and institutions: tell us the mandate and the jurisdiction, and we will tell you what registration it requires before we say anything else.

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