Brushworks
Brief us

Political strategy and data, at human resolution

Elections are decided by people, not demographics. We work at that scale.

Brushworks is a political intelligence firm. We model how individual voters behave, determine what would move each of them, and put persuasion into the field with a standard of proof — across the United States and in the harder theaters abroad.

  1. 1. The file
  2. 2. Signals resolve
  3. 3. Deciders surface
  4. 4. A program in field
Plate IFour thousand people as the voter file sees them: identical rows, nothing to tell one from another.
500+contests, from presidential to school board, over a decade
96%won, across every level and both parties
$5B+approved in more than a hundred bond and levy measures
270M+American adults and households, resolved and behaviorally scored
12countries of institutional and diaspora work
7offices on a single 24-hour desk
The premise

Most campaigns still buy the electorate the way television networks sold it in 1985: by age, sex, county and party file. Those labels are easy to purchase and easy to defend in a budget meeting. They are also the reason two neighbors with identical demographics receive identical mail and vote in opposite directions.

People do not decide as categories. They decide as individuals, under pressure, with whatever they happened to pay attention to that month. That attention leaves traces — what someone reads, buys, searches, cancels, renews, drives past on the way to work. Read carefully and modeled properly, those traces describe a person far better than the file does: what they are anxious about, what they take pride in, whom they trust, and what they have quietly stopped believing.

Brushworks was built to work at that resolution. We do the research, the modeling, the message architecture and the delivery ourselves, through our own media seats, and we measure every program against a held-out control — so that what we report at the end is what actually happened.

What we doThe method, in five movements

Terrain, audience, message, delivery, proof.

The order matters. Nothing is built before the race is mapped; nothing is written before the deciders are named; nothing is reported that was not measured against a control.

Capabilities in full

  1. I

    Terrain

    Where the race will actually be decided: the precincts, the margin, the money coming against you, and the clock.

  2. II

    Audience

    Deciders identified by what they do rather than by label, and grouped by what would move them.

  3. III

    Message

    A narrative track for each group, built from the anxieties and hopes it already holds and sequenced for the persuasion arc.

  4. IV

    Delivery

    Three registers: precision paid media, organic advocacy, and the ambient campaign. All of it disclosed, all of it through our own seats.

  5. V

    Proof

    Randomized holdouts, daily measurement, and a publish gate no model passes without beating the baseline.

The human layerExhibit 1

One person, seventeen thousand signals.

Our view of the American electorate is assembled from roughly sixty-two billion observed behaviors, resolved to more than 270 million adults and their households, organized into a ten-thousand-topic dictionary, and scored by models trained on real outcomes rather than proxies.

No single signal is decisive. The pattern is. A subscription cancelled, a commute lengthened, a local news habit, a sudden interest in prescription prices — each is noise on its own and evidence together. The graph is rebuilt monthly, digital activity refreshed daily, and none of it touches ethnicity, religion or ideology, which we do not model.

Inside the human layer

Exhibit 1The active signal registry, drawn to scale by domain — roughly 17,000 signals, each line a family of observed behaviors. Ochre marks signals that entered a scored model this month. Grouping illustrative.
From the behavioral lexiconExhibit 2, composites, not individuals

A campaign speaks to millions. It persuades one at a time.

Every other vendor in politics starts from the voter file, because that is what there is to buy: age band, sex, party, precinct, vote history. It is enough to send mail. It is not enough to know what to say. We describe deciders as phenotypes — composite people assembled from thousands of behavioral neighbors — so that a strategist and a copywriter can hold an entire segment in mind as a single person, and so that the person receives a line that was written for her.

Exhibit 2The same voter, two ways. Left, everything the voter file knows about the Night Nurse. Right, what the human layer knows — signals color-coded by domain, six scores, and the track she was assigned. Composite; the file's fields are typical, the signals illustrative.
  • Behavior, not labels.

    Cohorts are built from what people do — sixty-two billion observed events — never from ethnicity, religion or party as a proxy for what they will do.

    The category default: age band, sex, party, precinct

  • Named, and written for.

    Each cohort is a person with a name, a narrative track and a register mix. Copy is written to her; the studio produces the variants; every one carries a disclosure.

    The category default: one message, three demographic cuts

  • Measured against a control.

    Every track is judged against a randomized holdout. A line that moves the Steward and suppresses the Pharmacist is caught in week two, not guessed at in November.

    The category default: a post-election poll

The Steward

n., first-ring suburb

Homeowner, twenty years at the same employer, runs the parish fish fry. Believes the deal has been broken by people who never had to keep one.

Reads as
Order, obligation, the fair deal
Moves on
Cost-of-living arithmetic told with respect, not alarm

"The people who wrote the last budget never had to keep one."

The Splitter

n., late-deciding

Has voted for both parties in the last four cycles and resents being told what she is. Decides in the final ten days, mostly on character.

Reads as
Independence
Moves on
The single credible detail, not the platform

"Two votes, two dates, on the record. Judge them yourself."

The Night Nurse

n., shift worker

Mid-career, watches the news on a phone between rounds, has no patience for anyone who has not done a hard job under pressure.

Reads as
Competence
Moves on
Proof that someone has carried weight and kept their head

"She ran a trauma floor for eleven years. You'll hear she has never run anything."

The Renter

n., downtown, under 35

Three employers on the résumé, a lease that resets every twelve months, and a commute that has quietly become the central fact of life.

Reads as
Momentum
Moves on
A candidate who names the rent and the commute in the first sentence

"Your lease resets in March. Your rent didn't ask permission."

The Pharmacist

n., exurban professional

Meticulous about sources, allergic to slogans, and will read the footnote if there is one. Trusts the messenger who shows the working.

Reads as
Skepticism
Moves on
The claim with its evidence attached

"Here is the ratio she wrote, the hospital that adopted it, and the audit that followed."

The Contractor

n., rural-exurban, self-employed

Runs a crew of four, bids every job against someone cheaper, and keeps his own books at the kitchen table on Sunday nights.

Reads as
Self-reliance
Moves on
The rule that cost him a week, named specifically

"Section 4 cost you a week in March. Here is who wrote it and who voted to repeal it."

Commerce Media Civic Household Health and work Bars show the signal domains that define each composite

The recordExhibits 3 to 5

Ninety-six in a hundred.

Across more than five hundred contests — presidential, gubernatorial, Senate and House, ballot measures, and over a hundred bond and levy elections — the programs we have designed have won ninety-six percent of the time, for candidates and causes across the spectrum. Client names are held under agreement. The methods and the margins are not.

Open the casebook

Exhibit 3Five hundred contests, one dot each. Ochre, won; bone, lost. Drawn from the firm's record across a decade; positions of the losses are schematic.
OfficeMethodNote
PresidentialHyper-localization of a national narrativeA 2016 national campaign; the message rewritten county by county for the places that decided it.
GubernatorialBehavioral targeting across three distinct strategiesThree competitive states, three different theories of the race, one measurement standard.
U.S. SenateThe neglect algorithmPersuadable voters both parties had stopped contacting, found and moved.
U.S. HouseGrassroots amplificationSmall-dollar and volunteer growth engineered from behavioral affinity, not lists.
Ballot measuresSimplifying complexityA 2022 California measure: 65 percent support at launch, 17.7 percent at the ballot.
Bonds and leviesConcrete, not abstractMore than a hundred measures; more than five billion dollars approved by voters raising their own taxes.
Committees and NGOsThe permanent campaignTrigger-based activation between cycles, so the audience is warm when it matters.
Exhibit 4The record, by office. Each method is a case in the casebook.
Exhibit 5Support for a 2022 California ballot measure. The launch figure is the campaign's baseline polling; the result is the official statewide vote of November 8, 2022 (17.7 percent yes). The intervening trajectory is drawn to scale between them. Program in field from the second month.
CasebookThree of nine

What the method did when it met a real race.

  • Simplifying complexity

    A California measure whose text ran to dozens of pages, at 65 percent support, defeated with 17.7 percent of the vote — one true sentence per voter.

  • The neglect algorithm

    The persuadable, likely voters both parties had stopped calling, found by cross-referencing contact history with receptivity.

  • Ten million, five countries

    A diaspora treated as the constituency it is, across the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, the UAE and Australia.

All nine cases

AbroadExhibit 6

The harder theaters.

The same discipline travels. Our people have run engagement, security and narrative programs for governments and institutions in the Gulf, South Asia, Southeast Asia and West Africa, and diaspora programs in five countries at once. Seven offices sit on a single desk, so a mandate in Riyadh and a race in Michigan are watched by someone who is awake.

Where we have worked

Diaspora as an electorate. A ten-million-person community spread across five countries is a constituency, whether or not anyone treats it as one. We do.

Featured readFrom the Brushworks Review
Also in the ReviewAll twenty-four papers
    The rules we work byFive things we will not do

    Five things we will not do.

    Written into every engagement letter, and the first page a donor's counsel or a ministry's compliance office is shown.

    I

    Target on identity

    We model behavior only. Ethnicity, religion and ideology are never modeled, never bought, and never accepted as a filter.

    So the Steward can be any color and any faith.

    II

    Hide the messenger

    Paid advocacy is labeled. We do not operate undisclosed personas or accounts, on any platform, in any language, for any client.

    So the second voice is a real one.

    III

    Report without a control

    Every program carries a randomized holdout sealed on day five, and every model beats a demographic and a look-alike baseline before it ships.

    So the number in the report is the number that happened.

    IV

    Cross a wall

    Independent-expenditure work is separated from candidate work by structure — teams, systems and seats. Foreign work is registered before it begins.

    So a donor's counsel can certify the posture, not take our word for it.

    V

    Run what we could not describe

    If a program could not be explained on the record, in public, in the client's name and ours, we do not run it. Mandates that fail the test are declined in writing.

    So there is nothing to find.

    WP-19 — Delivery

    Validators: whom a voter believes

    A nurse believes a nurse. On finding the second voice, cohort by cohort, and measuring what it adds.

    By Brushworks research deskSeptember 2026Working paper

    Abstract. Organic advocacy is usually treated as free and unmeasurable. We describe how validators are identified from behavior for each cohort, how their reach is matched and flighted, and the measured lift of a validated line over the same line delivered by the candidate.

    In brief

    The finding
    A nurse believes a nurse. Whom each cohort trusts is knowable from what it attends to; real, disclosed validators cast from that trust map move a voter twice as far as the candidate saying the same words.
    For a campaign
    Map trust before casting, cast real people and disclose them, flight by cohort, sequence validator then candidate, and hold out by messenger.
    For a government or institution
    Institutions have the richest validator networks in public life — professionals, community leaders, members — and rarely cast them deliberately; the method is a data task before it is a creative one.

    A nurse believes a nurse. The finding is seventy years old — Katz and Lazarsfeld's two-step flow, in which mass communication reaches most people through the opinion leaders they already trust — and it is the most reliable result in the study of influence. It is also the least used, because finding the nurse is hard: a campaign knows its candidate and its spokespeople, and it does not know, for each cohort in the electorate, whose word that cohort takes. Behavior does. This paper is about casting the second voice from data, disclosing it, and measuring what it adds.

    The finding

    Source credibility has two components in the classic account — expertise and trustworthiness — and the second dominates in politics, where every messenger is assumed to have a motive. A validator is credible not because she knows more than the candidate but because she has less reason to lie: she is a nurse saying what she thinks about a nurse, a small landlord agreeing with a tenant organizer, a shop foreman who has never endorsed anyone. The surprising validator — the messenger who, by identity or interest, should be on the other side — is the strongest form, for the reason Sunstein and others have described: her agreement is costly, and costly signals are believed.

    The same line delivered by five messengers, treated minus holdout at week six, pooled across statewide programs. The candidate and the national figure move the least; the cohort validator and the surprising validator move the most. Illustrative pooled figures; intervals in the client reports.

    Casting from behavior

    For each cohort the trust map is built from what the cohort attends to: the sources it reads to the end, the accounts it follows, the people it forwards, the institutions whose events it attends. The map says whom the cohort already believes; the casting problem is to find, among those it believes, real people willing to say what they think on the record. They are not actors and they are not scripted; the studio films them where they work, in their own words, and the line that runs is the one they said. The disclosure is part of the master, not an afterthought.

    Casting validators from behavior: the cohort's trust map identifies whom it believes; real people are cast and disclosed; they are filmed on their own floor; the piece is flighted to the cohort and to no one else; a messenger holdout measures what the voice added.
    The second voice is a real one. The firm operates no undisclosed personas or accounts, in any language, on any platform. A validator says who she is and who asked her. The credibility that makes the register work is exactly the credibility an invented messenger destroys on discovery — and discovery is now the norm.

    Who believes whom

    Validators do not travel any better than lines do. The parish trustee who moves the Steward does nothing for the Renter; the nurse who moves the Night Nurse reads as an appeal to authority for the Pharmacist, who wants the physician with the audit attached. The cross-run test that separates cohorts on lines also separates them on messengers, and the casting matrix it produces is diagonal: each cohort has one or two messengers it believes and several it discounts, and a program that flights a validator across cohorts is paying to be discounted.

    The casting matrix from a statewide program's cross-run tests: which messenger each cohort believes, from holdout-measured response. Darker is more. The diagonal is the plan; the off-diagonal cells are the suppression list.

    Measuring the voice

    The register-level holdout design extends to messengers. Within a cohort, one treated group receives the line from the candidate, one from the validator, one from both in sequence, and the sealed control receives nothing. The differences are the messenger's contribution and the sequence effect — validator first, then candidate, typically exceeds either alone — and they are the basis on which the organic register's budget is set. Organic advocacy is usually treated as free and unmeasurable. It is neither: it costs casting, production and flight, and it can be measured to the point.

    Implications

    • Map trust before casting. Whom a cohort believes is a data question; the answer is rarely the campaign's surrogate list.
    • Cast real people and disclose them. The register's power is that it is true.
    • Flight by cohort. The validator who moves one cohort is discounted by the next; the matrix is diagonal.
    • Sequence validator, then candidate. Permission before proof lets proof land.
    • Hold out by messenger. Organic advocacy earns its budget by showing what the voice added.

    Notes and references

    1. Katz, E., and Lazarsfeld, P. F. (1955). Personal Influence. Free Press.
    2. Hovland, C. I., and Weiss, W. (1951). The influence of source credibility on communication effectiveness. Public Opinion Quarterly, 15(4), 635–650.
    3. Berinsky, A. J. (2017). Rumors and health care reform: experiments in political misinformation. British Journal of Political Science, 47(2), 241–262 — on the power of unlikely, against-interest sources.
    4. Broockman, D. E., and Kalla, J. L. (2016). Durably reducing transphobia. Science, 352(6282), 220–224 — on personal, credible contact producing durable change.
    5. Brushworks rules I–II and disclosures policy, §6. Pooled figures are from statewide programs with messenger-level holdouts; cohort names are composites.
    Next paperThe Review

    Brief us.

    Tell us the race, the calendar and the margin. Within a week we will tell you whether we can move it and what it would take. Candidate work and independent-expenditure work are taken by separate teams; say which you are. Governments and institutions: tell us the mandate and the jurisdiction, and we will tell you what registration it requires before we say anything else.

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